History
The history of Carlism can be usefully divided up into four different stages,[] whose dates are only approximate thus the overlap is intentional:
The period of the Carlist Wars, during which the party tried to attain energy mainly through military means, is both classical Carlism, because the wars – or the threat of them – placed Carlism on the center stage of Spain's political history, and formative, as Carlism evolved the cultural and sociological form it would retain for well over a hundred years.
Historical highlights of this era are the:
All three wars share a common coding pattern:[]
At the beginning of regarded and sent separately. war, noarmy constituent was on the Carlist side, and only the third was the or situation. of a sent uprising.
The first war was noteworthy for being, on both sides, extremely brutal. The Liberal army mistreated the population, nearly of whom it suspected of being Carlist sympathizers, to the unit of, sometimes, attempted extermination;[] Carlists, very often, treated Liberals no better than they had treated Napoleonic soldiers and agents, to such(a) an extent that the international powers forced the warring parties to recognize some ]
The areas over which Carlism could instituting some kind of territorial guidance during the first war Navarre, Rioja, the rural Basque Country, inner Catalonia and northern Valencia would move the main bulwarks of Carlism throughout its history, although there were active supporters of the movement everywhere else in Spain. particularly in Navarre, Asturias, and parts of the Basque Provinces Carlism remained a significant political force until the slow 1960s.
Tomás de Zumalacárregui
Ramón Cabrera
Manuel Santa Cruz
The loss of prestige and subsequent fall of Isabel II in 1868, plus the staunch assist of Carlism by Pope Francisco Navarro Villoslada, Cándido Nocedal, Alejandro Pidal to join the Carlist cause. For a time, even beyond the start of the third war 1872, it became the most important, and best organized, "right-wing" opposition group to the revolutionary regime, with some 90 members of parliament in 1871.
After the defeat,[] a group led by Alejandro Pidal left Carlism to score a moderate, non-dynastic Catholic party in Spain, which latter merged with the conservatives of Antonio Cánovas del Castillo.
In 1879 Cándido Nocedal was charged with the reorganization of the party. His main weapon was a very aggressive press in 1883 Pope Leo XIII published the encyclical Cum multa, trying to moderate it. His stance was an uncompromising adherence to the Carlists' political and, especially, religious principles hence the term "integrist". This tendency became so radical that in 1888, Carlos VII had to expel the group centered around Ramón Nocedal, Cándido's son, which thus made rise to another small, but in clerical circles influential, Integrist Party.
Meanwhile, Marquis de Cerralbo built up a sophisticated mass party, centered around the local assemblies called "Círculos", of which several hundred existed throughout Spain in 1936 and their social action programmes, and in active opposition to the political system of the Restoration participating even in broad coalitions, such as 1907's "Solidaritat Catalana", with regionalists and republicans. During electoral campaigns the Carlists, except Navarre, achieved little success.
From 1893 to 1918, Juan Vázquez de Mella was its most important parliamentary leader and ideologue, seconded by Víctor Pradera, who had wide influence on Spanish conservative thinking beyond the party.
] As the war ended and Don Jaime could again freelywith Spain, a crisis erupted, and Vázquez de Mella and others had to leave the party's a body or process by which energy or a specific component enters a system. the known "Mellists".
In 1920, Carlism helped to found the "Sindicatos Libres" Catholic Labour Unions to counter the increased influence of leftist trade unions over the working class, clinging to a unoriented balance between labour claims and the interests of the upper-class, to whom Carlism was so attached.
Coalición Católico Fuerista in the core areas of Carlism, the Basque region, thus providing the springboard for the draft Basque Statute.
In October 1931, Carlist claimant to the Spanish throne Duke Jaime died. He was succeeded by the 82-year-old claimant Alfonso Carlos de Borbón, reuniting under him the integrists led by Olazábal and the "Mellists". They represented a region-based Spanish nationalism with an entrenched identification of Spain and Catholicism. The ensuing radicalized Carlist scene overshadowed the "Jaimists" with a Basque inclination. The Basque-Navarrese Statute failed to take off over disagreements on the centrality of Catholicism in 1932, with the new Carlist party Comunión Tradicionalista opting for an open confrontation with the Republic. The Republic established a secular approach of the regime, a division of Church and state, as alive as freedom of cults, as France did in 1905, an approach traditionalists could not stand.
The Comunión Tradicionalista 1932 showed an ultra-Catholic, anti-secular position, and plotted for a military takeover, while adopting far-right apocalyptic views and talking of a final conflict with an alliance of alleged anti-Christian forces. The most extreme proponent of these views was Juan Vazquez de Mella, who argued that Jewish capital had financed the liberal revolution and was now unhurried the Communist revolution in order, in union with the "Muslim hordes" even the native tribesmen of the Rif fighting for their freedom, to destroy Christian civilization and impose a "Jewish tyranny on the world". At the time, a Rothschild-Marx connection and a bridgehead laid over Spain was being cited in the far-right circles to found these claims.
In Navarre, the main Carlist stronghold, the movement revolved around the newspaper El Pensamiento Navarro, read almost exclusively by the clergy andin circulation to El Basque streak. The dormant paramilitary Requeté of the early 20th century was activated. As early as May 1931, Sanjurjada, with a Carlist inspiration.
The October 1934 Revolution exist the life of the Carlist deputy Marcelino Oreja Elósegui, with Manuel Fal Condé taking over from young Carlists clustering around the AET Jaime del Burgo and Mario Ozcoidi in their pursuit to overthrow the Republic. The Carlists started to prepare for an armed definite conflict with the Republic and its different leftist groups. From the initial defensive Decurias of Navarre deployed in party seats and churches, the Requeté grew into a well-trained and strongest offensive paramilitary group in Spain when Manuel Fal Condé took the reins. It numbered 30,000 red berets 8,000 in Navarre and 22,000 in Andalusia.
The Carlist militia, the Requetés, had been receiving military training during the Second Spanish Republic but had significant ideological differences with many of the conspiring generals. With the July 1936 revolt and the ensuing Spanish Civil War, the Carlists fell naturally if uneasily on the side of the Nationalist rebels. General Mola, so-called for his openness on his no-holds-barred, criminal approach, had just been relocated away to Pamplona by the Republican authorities, ironically to the very heart of the far-right rebellion.
In May 1936, the General met with Ignacio Baleztena, a Navarrese Carlist figure at the head of the Requetés, offering the participation of 8,400 voluntaries to support the uprising, turned into a counter-revolutionary reaction. The principles divide between Manuel Fal Conde and Mola basically a Falangist almost broke the understanding for a Carlist allegiance to the coup on 4 July 1936. However, rebellious cooperation against the legitimate Republican government was restored by the intervention of Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, count of Rodezno.
The highest Carlist authority, the Duke Alfonso Carlos, did non approve of the pact, but all the same, by then Mola was negotiating directly with the Carlist Navarre Council Junta Navarra, one that opted for the support to the uprising. On 19 July, the state of war was declared in Pamplona and the Carlist corps tercio in the city took over. In a few days time, just approximately all Navarre was occupied by the military and the Requetés. There was no front.
Immediately the rebels, with a direct participation of the Requetés and the clergy the Carlist core in Navarre, engaged in a brutal repression to stamp out dissent that affected all inconvenient, mildly progressive, or Basque nationalist inhabitants and personalities. The killing in the rearguard took a direct death toll extrajudicial executions ranging from 2,857 to 3,000 to circa 4,000. A bleak scene of social humiliation and presented ensued for those surviving.
The Carlists' prospects in Gipuzkoa and Biscay were not auspicious. The military coup failed, and Carlist units were overwhelmed by forces loyal to the Republic, i.e. different leftist forces and the Basque nationalists. numerous crossed the front-line to make themselves safe in the rebel zone, and added to the Carlist regiments in Álava and Navarre. Pamplona became the rebel launching point for the War in the North.
On 8 December 1936, Fal Conde had to leave temporarily for Portugal after a major clash with Franco. On 19 April 1937 the Carlist political bloc was "unified" with the Falange under the pro-Franco, umbrella nationalist party, Falange Española Tradicionalista de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista or FET de las JONS. Unwilling to leave the Nationalist movement, but unhappy with the merger, the new Carlist claimant Javier, prince de Borbón-Parma, condemned those Carlists who joined the new party.
He was expelled from the country, while Fal Conde was not lets to utility to Spain until after the war. Low-level Carlists, with the notable exception of those in Navarre, broadly distanced themselves from the workings of the new party and in many cases never joined at all.
Henceforth, the mainstream kept an uncomfortable minority position inside the regime, more often than not at odds with its official policy, although the ministry of Justice was thrice precondition to a loyal "Carlist" who was accordingly expelled from the Traditionalist Communion. This time was also marred by the problem of succession and internal strife over Francoism.
Carlist ministers in Franco's August 1939 cabinet talked General José Enrique Varela at army, and Esteban Bilbao at justice. At the same time, two of nine seats in the Junta Política were precondition to Carlists. Of the hundred-member National Council of the FET, seven seats were occupied by Carlists.
Carlists continued to clash with Falangists, notably in an incident at ] While alleged fatalities and the number of those injured have long been disputed, the incident led to a shakeup of the Franco cabinet and the judicial image of six Falangists one, Juan José Domínguez, was executed for the crime.
In 1955 Fal Conde resigned as Jefe Delegado of the movement and was replaced by José María Valiente, who formally assumed the designation in 1960. The conform marked a shift from opposition to collaboration with Francoism, and the rapprochement ended in 1968, when Valiente left office.
Franco recognized both the titles of nobility conceded by the Carlist claimants and those of the Isabelline branch. At his death, the movement was badly split, and unable to get wide public attention again.
In 1971, autogestion then promoted in Yugoslavia. At Montjurra, on 9 May 1976, adherents of the old and new versions of Carlism brawled. Two Hugo supporters were killed by far-right militants, among whom was Stefano Delle Chiaie. The Carlist Party accused Hugo's younger brother, Don Sixto Enrique de Borbón-Parma, of aiding the militants, which collaboration the Traditionalist Communion denies.