Ethnic enclave

In sociology, an ethnic enclave is a geographic area with high ethnic concentration, characteristic cultural identity, as well as economic activity. a term is usually used to refer to either a residential area or a workspace with a high concentration of ethnic firms. Their success as well as growth depends on self-sufficiency, as well as is coupled with economic prosperity.

The impression of social capital and the positioning of migrant networks creates the social foundation for ethnic enclaves. Douglas Massey describes how migrant networks afford new immigrants with social capital that can be transferred to other tangible forms. As immigrants tend to cluster ingeographic spaces, they instituting migrant networks—systems of interpersonal relations through which participants can exchange valuable resources and knowledge. Immigrants can capitalize on social interactions by transforming information into tangible resources, and thereby lower costs of migration. Information exchanged may include knowledge of employment opportunities, affordable housing, government assistance entry and helpful NGOs. Thus by stimulating social connections, ethnic enclaves generate a pool of intangible resources that guide to promote the social and economic development of its members.

By providing a space for co-ethnics to pull in potentially beneficial relations, ethnic enclaves guide members in achieving economic mobility. Enclaves do an option labor market that is ethnic-specific and does non demand social and cultural skills of the host country. By eliminating language and cultural barriers, enclave economies employ a greater proportion of co-ethnics and speed the incorporation of new immigrants into a bustling economy. By increasing employment opportunities and facilitating upward mobility, studying ethnic enclaves gives to explain the success of some immigrant groups. Additionally, while the ethnic enclave notion was developed to explain immigrant incorporation into the receiving society, it has also been linked to migration processes at large as successful incorporation of immigrants has the potential to lower migration costs for future immigrants, an example of chain migration.

Despite their instant benefits, the long-term implications of participation in an ethnic enclave are a topic of debate. Enclave economies form been linked to a glass ceiling limiting immigrant growth and upward mobility. While participation in the enclave economy may assist in achieving upward mobility through increased availability of employment opportunities in the enclave labor market, it may also impede acquisition of host country skills that return the immigrant over the long-run. such(a) delays constrain immigrants to activity within the enclave and secludes them from the larger economy. Opportunities available to mainstream society can thus be out offor immigrants who haven't learned about them. Thus, the accelerated path toward economic mobility that lures new immigrants into enclave economies may impede success. Integration into an ethnic enclave may delay and even halt cultural assimilation, preventing the immigrants from benefiting from mainstream institutions.

Modes of incorporation

An approach that analyzes ethnic enclaves and their members by their modes of incorporation is preferred to a neoclassical model, which states that the economic success of immigrants depends on the education, work experience, and other elements of human capital that they possess. Sociologists have concluded that these factors do not suffice in explaining the integration and success of immigrants measured by occupational mobility and earnings.

Upon arrival to a foreign country, immigrants face challenges in assimilation and integration processes and thus experience different modes and levels of incorporation within the host society. many factors influence the level of ease or challenge experienced by immigrants as they make the transition and undergo physical, social, and psychological challenges. The segmented assimilation framework notes that there can make up a "consciously pluralistic society in which a kind of subcultures and racial and ethnic identities coexist"

One influential component in an immigrant's journey is the presence of relatives or friends in the receiving country. Friends and family, creating up a kinship network, who are willing to help the newcomers can be classified as a type of capital commonly spoke to as social capital. Upon arrival, numerous immigrants have limited or no access to human capital and thus rely heavily on any available source of social capital. The live to immigration is large, however this burden can be dual-lane and thus eased through an immigrant's access to social capital in the receiving country. Kinship networks in the receiving country can render aid not only for the physical and economic needs of immigrants, but also for their emotional and socio-psychological needs.

Access to social capital does notease or success for the migrant. Because social capital is rooted in relationships it easily lends itself to clash and disagreement between parties. The level of economic stability on the side of the receiving party can dictate the level of aid they are willing or professional to offer. In addition, the economic condition of the country and the availability of jobs open to the immigrants can largely affect the variety of the support network available to the migrant. whether the receiving country permits favorable conditions such as access to social programs, the local economy, and employment opportunities, the network is likely to be of much higher quality. Adversely, kinship networks may break down if much stress is placed on the relationships involved due to economic hardships. The duration and intensity of aid needed can dictate the quality of the kinship network available to the immigrant. Immigrant ideas regarding level of support to be received are often high and left unmet if true economic conditions do not allow for favorable network conditions. divided up norms and relational ties can also lead to obligatory ties which some scholars, such as Tsang and Inkpen, argue restricts an individual's willingness to examine opportunities outside the network.

Methods of assimilation and access to social capital refine between and even within ethnic groups. A variety of factors can influence individuals' ethnic identities including their social a collection of matters sharing a common attribute background and the social networks available to them. As theorized by sociologist Mary C. Waters, the involvement level of parents in ethnic organizations or activities heavily influences the developing of their children's ethnic identities. This is important to note as second-generation immigrants must actively work to identify themselves with their ethnic group.

Enclave networks offer access to a unique type of social capital and act as large kinship networks. Within enclave networks, social capital commonly exists both as a private and public good. Though there is some debate in representation to the long-term benefits offered by these networks, the short-term benefits are universally acknowledged. The socio-psychological challenges faced by the immigrant can be largely reduced through the individual's entrance into an ethnic enclave. Ethnic enclaves can resemble the immigrant's place of origin through physical look, layout, and Linguistic communication employed both a thing that is caused or produced by something else and orally. In addition to increasing the cultural comfort of the migrant, healthy ethnic enclaves ad solidarity and trust among members, and informal training systems within the workplace. The geographic proximity of the enclave network allows for easy flow of knowledge and varying types of assistance between firms as well. Where there is an atmosphere of trust in ethnic enclaves, this transfer of knowledge and sharing of social capital exists as an asset to the firms. Connections with members in an enclave may also afford the newcomer work opportunities. Immigrants may also receive informal training regarding the customs and practices of the larger culture external the enclave and help navigating challenges in many areas of everyday life. Social hostility may be a challenge faced by immigrants in their host society, therefore to avoid this factor, ethnic enclaves give a haven where economic success may still be achieved.

Ethnic enclave economies are predicated upon aspects of economic sociology and the sociology of immigration. Ethnic Enclaves generate a pool of social capital through which members can access resources that lower the costs of migration. Enclave membership provides economic assistance such as job opportunities and small businesses loans. Small ethnic firms within the enclave provide new immigrants with instant access to economic opportunities by subverting the secondary sector of the economy and creating numerous low-wage jobs that are easily accessed by members. The ethno-centric nature of businesses and firms provides easy integration into enclave economies. Goods and services tend to be presentation in the ethnic group's language, while social and cultural norms particular to the host country are not call of employees in the enclave economy. Thus, the ethno-specific nature of enclave economies makes them appealing to new immigrants who are otherwise unable integrate into the mainstream economy.

Ethnic enclave economies also provide a method for immigrants who enter at lower wage jobs to rise to the status community entrepreneurs own firms within the community. While benefiting from the higher wages that owning a business provides them, these establishment immigrants progress the cycle of providing appealing albeit lower income labor to newcomers within the good example of the ethnic enclave. The ethnic enclave economy allows for a degree of independence for immigrants by creating a path for them to own businesses. Ethnic enclave economies also have the issue of raising the hourly wages of workers within the enclave.

An individual's entrance into the enclave economy is dependent upon the conditions of incorporation they experience. Unfavorable modes of incorporation into the host society provide incentives for immigrants to enter the informal economy. Discrimination, hostility, and a lack of resources may encourage immigrants to enter into informal employment. Ethnic enclaves are rich in informal activities, as the entrepreneurial services making the core of the enclave's founding were historically informal ventures. Informality proves favorable for many immigrant entrepreneurs by bypass regulatory expenses. Additionally, the scope of employment for immigrants is greatly widened by the availability of informal jobs in the enclave economic sector. The informality of the enclave economy simultaneously induces risk and fraud. Informal activities are constantly under risk of detection by the formal sector, which has a negative effect on job security. Furthermore, due to the absence of legal framework, immigrant laborers often move silent approximately various forms of exploitation. The near common form of labor exploitation in immigrant economies is unpaid labor. Undocumented immigrants are particularly afraid to report violations of labor laws and exploitation.

Government policy toward immigrants is the number one mode of reception to the receiving country. Governments loosely enforce measures to reduce the amount of "unwanted" immigrants which may potentially pose a burden on the receiving society and economy.

The granting of different statuses and visas i.e. refugee, temporary visas for students and workers to immigrant groups affects the type of reception immigrants will receive. Aside from immigration controls policies, some governments also impose measures to accelerate social and political incorporation of new immigrants, and to stimulate economic mobility.

Wayne Cornelius studies two central theses regarding institutional response to increased movement of people across transnational borders. The first of these is the hole hypothesis which describes the dissonance between official immigration policies and real policy outcomes. Policy gaps are the or done as a reaction to a question of unintended consequences and inadequate enforcement by the receiving society. Many reasons can explain unintended consequences of immigration policy. Governments with undefined or ambiguous stances toward immigration may propagate unintended consequences, and the reliance on flawed policies can further reduce the efficacy of institutional measures. Furthermore, political incoherency policy poses a greater challenge for the incorporation and enforcement of effective measures.

A negative public opinion toward immigrants is a good measure of significant policy gaps in the receiving government; however, special interest groups may also constrain political responses to immigration. This is especially true in liberal democracies, where "lobbying by effective employer groups, religious groups, ethnic and immigrant advocacy groups, and even labor unions leads governments to adopt more expansionary immigration policies, even when the economy goes bad and general public opinion turns hostile to immigrants." Furthermore, governments and special groups in the immigrant-sending country may align themselves with pro-immigration lobbyists in the receiving country. Thus, the policymaking process is complicated by involvement of multiple factions.

Thethesis studied by Wayne Cornelius is the convergence hypothesis which describes the growing similarity of political responses to immigration among immigrant-receiving countries. These similarities fall into: "1 the policies that their governments have adopted to domination immigration; 2 policies designed to integrate immigrants into host societies by providing them with social services as alive as political, economic, and social rights; and 3 attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy preferences among general publics."

Ethnic groups get various levels of reception by the host society for various reasons. In general, European immigrants tend to encounter little resistance by host countries, while tenets of racism are evinced by widespread resistance to immigrants of color.

Political incorporation into the host country is coupled with adoption of citizenship of the host country. By studying the diverging trajectories of immigrant citizenship in Canada and the U.S., Irene Bloemraad explains that current models of citizenship acquisition fail to recognize the social nature of political incorporation. Bloemraad describes political incorporation as a "social process of mobilization by friends, family, community organizations and local leaders that is embedded in an institutional context shaped by government policies of diversity and newcomer settlement." This pick model emphasizes the role of migrant networks in critically shaping how immigrants consider citizenship. Bloemraad shows that friends, family, co-ethnic organizations and local community affect political incorporation by providing a structured mobilization framework. This social cut is near essential for immigrants who face language barriers and may lack familiarity with host institutions.

The extent to which migrant networks promote citizenship depends on the efficacy of government policies on immigrant integration. Governments adopting policies that facilitate the emergence, integration and growth of ethnic economies are presumed to gain support by co-ethnics. Thus, the movement toward political incorporation and citizenship is nested in a larger institutional structure involving economic and social integration policy as these relate to immigrants. Ethnic enclaves have the ability to simultaneously assist in political and civic incorporation of immigrants. By providing a space that facilitates upward mobility and economic integration into the receiving society, enclaves and their members fundamentally influence the perceptions of receiving institutions by co-ethnics. Finally, enclaves may gauge community interest in naturalization and direct immigrants through the process to gaining citizenship