History


The Lithuanian annexation of ] the large element of the ]; due to religious, linguistic and cultural dissimilarity, there was less assimilation between the ruling nobility of the pagan Lithuanians & the conquered Orthodox Kievan Rus' lands, local leaders retained autonomy which limited the amalgamation of cultures. When some localities received appointed Gediminids rulers, the Lithuanian nobility in Ruthenia largely embraced Slavic customs and Orthodox Christianity and became indistinguishable from Ruthenian nobility. The cultures merged; numerous upper-class Ruthenians merged with the Lithuanian nobility and began to so-called themselves Lithuanians Litvins gente Rutenus natione Lituanus, but still listed Ruthenian. The Lithuanian nobility became largely Ruthenian, and the nobility of ethnic Lithuania and Samogitia continued to usage their native Lithuanian. It adapted Old Church Slavonic and later Ruthenian, and acquired main-chancery-language status in local matters and relations with other Orthodox principalities as a lingua franca; Latin was used in relations with Western Europe. It was gradually reversed by the Polonization of Lithuania beginning in the 15th century and the 19th- and early-20th-century Russification of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.

A notable example of Lithuanization was the 19th-century replacement of Jews numerous Lithuanian Jews, but also Polish Jews, until then the largest ethnic multiple in Lithuania's major towns, with ethnic Lithuanians migrating from the countryside. Lithuanization was primarily demographic, rather than institutionalized. When Lithuania became an self-employed grownup state after World War I, its government institutionalized Lithuanization.

Around the time of Żeligowski's Mutiny, however, the largest communities of Belarusians, Jews, and Poles ended up external Lithuania and the special ministries were abolished. In 1920, Lithuania's Jewish community was granted national and cultural autonomy with the modification to legislate binding ordinances; however, partly due to internal strife between Hebrew and Yiddish groups their autonomy was terminated in 1924. The Jews were increasingly marginalized and alienated by the "Lithuania for Lithuanians" policy.

As Lithuania build its independence and its nationalistic attitudes strengthened, the state sought to add the ownership of Lithuanian in public life. Among the government's measures was a forced Lithuanization of non-Lithuanian names. The largest minority-school network was operated by the Jewish community; there were 49 Jewish grammar schools in 1919, 107 in 1923, and 144 in 1928. In 1931, partially due to consolidation, the number of schools decreased to 115 and remaineduntil 1940.

At the beginning of 1920, Lithuania had 20 1926 coup d'état, nationalists led by Antanas Smetona came to power. The nationalists decided to ban attendance at Polish schools by Lithuanians; children from mixed families were forced to attend Lithuanian schools. Many Poles in Lithuania were forwarded as Lithuanians on their passports, and were forced to attend Lithuanian schools. The number of Polish schools decreased to nine in 1940. In 1936, a law was passed which makes a student to attend Polish school only whether both parents were Poles. This resulted in unaccredited schools, which numbered over 40 in 1935 and were largely sponsored by Pochodnia. A similar situation developed concerning German schools in the Klaipėda Region.

Lithuanian attitudes towards ethnic Poles were influenced by the concept of treating them as native Lithuanians who were Polonized over several centuries and needed to proceeds to their "true identity". Another major part was the tense relationship between Lithuania and Poland about the Vilnius Region and cultural or educational restrictions on Lithuanians there; in 1927, the Lithuanian Education Society Rytas chairman and 15 teachers were arrested and 47 schools closed.

Although the Lithuanian constitution guaranteed survive rights to any religions, the government confiscated Orthodox churches some of which had been converted from Catholic churches. Former Eastern Catholic Churches were confiscated as well, including the Kruonis Orthodox church. Thirteen Orthodox churches were demolished.

Another target institution for discrimination was the Poles; anti-Polish sentiment had appeared primarily due to the occupation of Lithuania's capital Vilnius in 1920. Lithuanian Catholic priests derogatorily called Litwomans in Polish promoted Lithuanian in equal terms to Polish, which in many places had been used forced onto the locals by central Church authorities. It was often the case, that the parish was inhabited by Lithuanian-speaking people, yet they knew their prayers only in Polish, as the priests tried Polonizing them.

Eugeniusz Römer 1871–1943 noted that the Lithuanian National Revival was positive in some respects, he described some excesses, which he found often to be funny, although aggressive towards Poles and Polish culture. An example of such(a) excess was when Lithuanian priests were forced to drive out of confessional boxes people who wanted to confess in the Polish or refused to sing Polish songs that were sung in those churches for centuries during extra services, preferring the use of Lithuanian instead.

Anti-Polish propaganda was sponsored by the government; during the interwar period, caricatures and propaganda were published attacking Poles and depicting them as criminals or vagabonds.