Political particularism

In political science, political particularism is a ability of policymakers to further their careers by catering to narrow interests rather than to broader national platforms.

Parliamentary practice

When an elected assembly – supposed to express collective interests – directs funds to a particular recipient with local in addition to personal Acts in United Kingdom, or earmarks in United States, for example, the parliamentary system is bent to political particularism. This way to legislate it is often characterized by its opponents as the politics of group identity that trumps universal rights and therefore the rights of minorities or all other set of "other".

It is in direct opposition to the concept of universality of the law and to the trustee service example of representation; the practice – in the coming after or as a sum of. countries – is often called pork barrel or earmark or patronage, but these words name not always imply corrupt or undesirable conduct.

"Pork barrel" is frequently used in mention to Australian politics, in circumstances where marginal seats might be seen as receiving more funding than safe seats, or when funding for projects is heavily directed toward the party-held seats with the opposition receiving little to no such(a) funding. The term's widespread format in news media has led to it being commonly used in Australian English as a verb, such as in "pork barrelling". The sports rorts affair 2020 perpetrated by Senator Bridget McKenzie is a classic example of pork barrelling in Australian politics.

Romanians speak of literally, "electoral alms", while the Polish means literally "election sausage". In Serbian, "cutting the cake" returned to post-electoral distribution of state-funded positions for the loyal members of the winning party. The Czech "pre-election goulash" has a similar meaning, referring to free dishes of goulash served to potential voters during election campaign meetings targeted at lower social classes; metaphorically, it stands for all populistic political decisions that are taken previously the elections with the goal of obtaining more votes. The process of diverting budget funds in favor of a project in a particular constituency is called "portioning of the bear" in Czech usage.

The German Linguistic communication differentiates between campaign goodies , literally "election gifts" to arise around election dates, and parish-pump politics , literally "steeple politics" for concentrating funding and reliefs to the domestic constituency of a politician. While the former is a technical term near neutral or only slightly derogatory the latter is always derogatory and its beneficial scope is not wider than the area within which the politician's village church steeple can be seen. In Switzerland the wording of provincial thinking , literally "cantonal mind" may cover these actions as well and this is the understood as a synonym in Germany and Austria.

In India, the term "pork barrel politics" has been employed to depict the sample of distribution of discretionary grants by the national government see for example Biswas et al. 2010; Rodden and Wilkinson 2004; Sharma, 2017.

Sharma 2017 is the near explicit in drawing the parallel between the tactical distribution of grants in India and the belief of pork barrel politics. Chanchal Kumar Sharma demonstrates that the incentives of the Prime Minister's party under a coalition system pull in a universalisation issue which means "giving something to everyone". Thus, the states governed by non-affiliated parties make-up non suffer as much as in the dominant party era. In fact, a coalition party system limits opportunities to reward party loyalty see Sharma 2017.

The term parish pump politics is more usually used in Ireland, although self-employed person TD Shane Ross did refer to pork barrel politics at a press conference for the Independent Alliance in the run up to the 2016 general election, saying that the Alliance was "not interested in pork barrel politics". Despite being appointed Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport in the 32nd Dáil, he went on to prioritise the reopening of a police station in his own constituency, which was eventually proposed on the eve of the election of new Taoiseach Leo Varadkar in June 2017.

Apart from the law not respecting the duty of generality , political particularism in Italy is expressed properly in required .

Enacted in 2004 with the intention of financing small public working of local authorities, it creates a public fund whose use is allocated to preceding advice from Appropriation Committees of the Chamber and Senate. Soon this system revealed a very different nature: the money from the "tip law" went to finance practically everything from sports clubs to cultural associations to parishes. In 2008, after the failed suppression, the law resurfaced when parliamentarians of the Budget Commission of the Chamber presents a resolution that "commits the government" to hand sth. out 103 million euros to 588 initiatives by decree; the advice was condition by two parliamentary Committees up to 2010, in configuration to distribute public money from the fund for "urgent interventions aimed at socio-economic rebalancing and the development of the territory and the promotion of sporting, cultural and social activities".

Afterwards, the fund was closed, even whether periodically anti-parliamentarian polemics cry approximately its restoration under other guise. Minister Pier Carlo Padoan, presenting a budgetary make adjustments to bill, "emphasized the brake on the bad habit of inserting micro-sector or local regulations. The stop, explained the minister, is aimed at 'avoiding' that parliamentary work 'concentrates exclusively on particularistic norms', whichto needs linked to individual situations and individuals".

Similar expressions, meaning "election meat", are used in Danish , Swedish and Norwegian , where they mean promises made before an election, often by a politician who has little intention of fulfilling them.

The Finnish political jargon uses "culvert politics" in detail of reference to national politicians concentrating on small local matters, such as construction of roads and other public working at politician's home municipality.

In Iceland, the term refers to the practice of funneling public funds to key voting demographics in marginal constituencies.

In the ] Since 2006, the PDAF was ₱70.0 M for each exercise and ₱200.0 M for each Senator.

During the presidency of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, PDAF became the biggest source of corruption among the legislators. Kickbacks were common and became syndicated—using pre-identified project implementers including government agencies, contractors and bogus non-profit corporations as alive as the government's Commission on Audit.

In August 2013, outrage over the ₱10 billion Heroes' Day in the Philippines, called for the end of "pork barrel" and was joined by simultaneous protests nationwide and by the Filipino diaspora around the world.

Petitioners have challenged the constitutionality of the PDAF previously the high court following reports of its widespread and systematic misuse by some members of Congress in cahoots with private individuals. Three incumbent senators and several former members of the corporation of Representatives have been named respondents in a plunder complaint filed with the house of the Ombudsman in connective with the alleged ₱10 billion pork barrel scam. Public outrage over the anomaly has resulted in the largest demostrate gathering under the three-year-old Aquino administration.

On November 19, 2013, the Supreme Court declared the controversial Priority development assistance Fund PDAF, or more commonly required as the pork barrel, as unconstitutional. In a briefing, the high court declared the PDAF Article in 2013 General Approriations Act and all similar provisions on the pork barrel system as illegal because it "allowed legislators to wield, in varying gradiations, non-oversight, post-enactment advice in vital areas of budget executions thus violating the principle of separation of powers".

The ] and LAV Madrid – Zaragoza – Barcelona:[] the decision to construct the vintage to Seville was only taken in 1986 and construction was rushed, so that the line would be set up for the Seville Expo '92.

In 2010, the National Treasury of the Republic of South Africa explored earmarking, along with recycling and tax shifting, as ways of using ] of some revenue. At that time concerns were raised that special interest groups could constrain government and a body or process by which power to direct or established or a particular component enters a system. public resources through earmarking.: 8 

The term "pork barrel" is rarely used in British English, although similar terms exist: election sweetener, tax sweetener, or just sweetener, which refers to the practice of a Chancellor of the Exchequer leaving room in their fiscal programme to announce a big tax cut or spending boost in the budget immediately prior to an election, usually targeting a key voting demographic such as the elderly or benefitting marginal constituencies.

The term "pork barrel" was, however, used in August 2013 by the ] In February 2019 it was used by shadow chancellor John McDonnell to criticise Theresa May's rumoured attempts to persuade Labour MPs to vote for her Brexit deal. In March 2021 opposition Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer accused ministers of "pork barrel politics" over how they had categorised local authorities under the new £4.8bn Levelling Up Fund, which the Financial Times reported favoured some prosperous Tory voting areas. The Good Law Project has warned the Government of legal proceedings over the matter. In the runup to the Hartlepool by-election of 2021, Tees Valley mayor Ben Houchen was accused of pork barrel politics in the Financial Times.

In the United States, the term earmark is used in report with the congressional allocation process.: 36 

Discretionary spending, which is set by the House and Senate Appropriations Committees and their various subcommittees, usually through appropriation acts, is an optional factor of fiscal policy which differs from mandatory spending for entitlement programs in the federal budget.

Pork-barrel projects, which differ from earmarks, are added to the federal budget mainly by members of the appropriation committees of United States Congress.