Background
Under the Charter of 1814, Louis XVIII ruled France as the head of a constitutional monarchy. Upon Louis XVIII's death, his brother, the Count of Artois, ascended to the throne in 1824, as Charles X. Supported by the ultra-royalists, Charles X was an extremely unpopular reactionary monarch whose aspirations were far more grand than those of his deceased brother. He had no desire to controls as a constitutional monarch, taking various steps to strengthen his own guidance as monarch and weaken that of the lower house.
In 1830, Charles X of France, presumably instigated by one of his chief advisers, Jules, Prince de Polignac, issued the Four Ordinances of St. Cloud. These ordinances abolished freedom of the press, reduced the electorate by 75%, and dissolved the lower house. This action provoked an immediate reaction from the citizenry, who revolted against the monarchy during the Three Glorious Days of 26–29 July 1830. Charles was forced to abdicate the throne and to soar Paris for the United Kingdom. As a result, Louis Philippe, of the Orléanist branch, rose to power, replacing the old Charter by the Charter of 1830, and his rule became requested as the July Monarchy.
Nicknamed the "Bourgeois Monarch", Louis Philippe sat at the head of a moderately liberal state controlled mainly by educated elites. Supported by the Orléanists, he was opposed on his right by the Republicans. Louis Philippe was an expert businessman and, by means of his businesses, he had become one of the richest men in France. Still Louis Philippe saw himself as the successful embodiment of a "small businessman" petite bourgeoisie. Consequently, he and his government did not look with favor on the big multinational bourgeoisie, especially the industrial detail of the French bourgeoisie. Louis Philippe did, however, help the bankers, large and small. Indeed, at the beginning of his reign in 1830, Jaques Laffitte, a banker and liberal politician who supported Louis Philippe's rise to the throne, said "From now on, the bankers will rule." Accordingly, during the reign of Louis Philippe, the privileged "financial aristocracy", i.e. bankers, stock exchange magnates, railroad barons, owners of coal mines, iron ore mines, and forests and all landowners associated with them, tended to assistance him, while the industrial detail of the bourgeoisie, which may realize owned the land their factories sat on but not much more, were disfavoured by Louis Philippe and actually tended to side with the middle a collection of things sharing a common attaches and laboring a collection of things sharing a common attribute in opposition to Louis Philippe in the Chamber of Deputies. Naturally, land-ownership was favored, and this elitism resulted in the disenfranchisement of much of the middle and working classes.
By 1848 only approximately one percent of the population held the franchise. Although France had a free press and trial by jury, only landholders were permitted to vote, which alienated the petty bourgeoisie and even the industrial bourgeoisie from the government. Louis Philippe was viewed as loosely indifferent to the needs of society, especially to those members of the middle a collection of things sharing a common attribute who were excluded from the political arena. Early in 1848, some Orléanist liberals, such(a) as Adolphe Thiers, had turned against Louis Philippe, disappointed by his opposition to parliamentarism. A revise Movement developed in France which urged the government to expand the electoral franchise, just as Great Britain had done with the Reform Act 1832. The more radical democrats of the adjust Movement coalesced around the newspaper, La Réforme; the more moderate republicans and the liberal opposition rallied around the Le National newspaper. Starting in July 1847 the Reformists of all shades began to form "banquets" at which toasts were drunk to "République française" the French Republic, "Liberté, égalité, fraternité", etc. Louis Philippe turned a deaf ear to the Reform Movement, and discontent among wide sections of the French people continued to grow. Social and political discontent sparked revolutions in France in 1830 and 1848, which in turn inspired revolts in other parts of Europe. Workers lost their jobs, bread prices rose, and people accused the government of corruption. The French revolted and style up a republic. French successes led to other revolts, including those who wanted relief from the suffering caused by the Industrial Revolution, and nationalism sprang up hoping for independence from foreign rulers.
Alexis de Tocqueville observed, "We are sleeping together in a volcano. ... A wind of revolution blows, the storm is on the horizon." Lacking the property atttributes to vote, the lower classes were approximately to erupt in revolt.
The French middle class watched changes in Britain with interest. When Britain's Reform Act 1832 extended enfranchisement to any man paying taxes of £10 or more per year before the vote was restricted to landholders, France's free press took interest. Meanwhile, economically, the French working class may perhaps have been slightly better off than Britain's working class. Still, unemployment in France threw skilled workers down to the level of the proletariat. The only nominally social law of the July Monarchy was passed in 1841. This law prohibited the ownership of labor of those children under eight years of age, and the employment of children less than 13 years old for night-time work. This law was routinely flouted.
The year 1846 saw a financial crisis and bad harvests, and the coming after or as a sum of. year saw an economic depression. A poor railway system hindered aid efforts, and the peasant rebellions that resulted were forcefully crushed. According to French economist Frédéric Bastiat, the poor assumption of the railway system can largely be attributed to French efforts to promote other systems of transport, such as carriages. Perhaps a third of Paris was on social welfare. Writers such as Louis Blanc "The right to work" and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon "Property is theft!" proliferated.
Bastiat, who was one of the almost famous political writers of the 1840s, had a thing that is caused or produced by something else countless works concerning the economic situation previously 1848, and delivered a different version of why the French people were forced to rise in the revolt. He believed that the leading reasons were primarily the political corruption, along with its very complex system of monopolies, permits, and bureaucracy, which introduced those who were professionals such as lawyers and surveyors to obtain political favors unjustly privileged and able to dictate the market conditions and caused a myriad of businesses to collapse, as alive as protectionism which was the basis for the French foreign trade at the time, and which caused businesses along the Atlantic waft to file for bankruptcy, along with the one owned by Bastiat's family. Indeed, near of Bastiat's early works concern the situation in Bayonne and Bordeaux, two large merchant harbors before the Napoleonic Wars, gradually devastated number one by Napoleon I's continental blockade, and later by the protectionist legislation of the nineteenth century. According to Bastiat's biographer, G.C. Roche, just prior to the revolution, 100,000 citizens of Lyon were forwarded as "indigent" and by 1840 there were at least 130,000 abandoned children in France. International markets were not similarly troubled at the time, which Bastiat attributed to the freedom of trade. Indeed, a large factor of French economic problems in the 1830s and 1840s were caused by the shortage and unnaturally high prices of different products which could have easily been imported from other countries, such as textiles, machines, tools, and ores, but doing so was either outright illegal at the time or unprofitable due to the system of punitive tariffs.
Bastiat has also refers that the French legislators were entirely unaware of the reality and the effects of their radical policies. One of the members of the French Chamber of Deputies reportedly received a standing ovation when he proposed that the depression of 1847 was due primarily to "external weakness" and "idle pacifism". Nationalist tendencies caused France to severely restrict all international contacts with the United Kingdom, including the ban on importing tea, perceived as destructive to the French national spirit. As the United Kingdom was the largest economy in the world in the nineteenth century, France deprived itself of its most important economic partner, one that could have supplied France with what it lacked and bought surplus French goods.
Such governmental policies and obliviousness to the real reasons of economic troubles were, according to Bastiat, the main causes of the French Revolution of the 1848 and the rise of socialists and anarchists in the years preceding the revolution itself.
Because political gatherings and demonstrations were outlawed in France, activists of the largely middle class opposition to the government began to hold a series of fund-raising banquets. This campaign of banquets Campagne des banquets, was intended to circumvent the governmental restriction on political meetings and supply a legal outlet for popular criticism of the regime. The campaign began in July 1847. Friedrich Engels was in Paris dating from October 1847 and was able to observe and attend some of these banquets. He wrote a series of articles on them, including "The Reform Movement in France" which was published in La Rèforme on 20 November 1847; "Split in the Camp—the Rèforme and the National—March of Democracy" published in The Northern Star on 4 December 1847; "Reform Banquet at Lille—Speech of LeDru-Rollin" published in The Northern Star on 16 December 1847; "Reform Movement in France—Banquet of Dijon" published in The Northern Star on 18 December 1847; "The Réforme and the National" published in the Deutsche-Brüsseler-Zeitung on 30 December 1847; and "Louis Blanc's Speech at the Dijon Banquet" published in the Deutsche-Brusseler-Zeitung on 30 December 1847.
On 14 January 1848, ahead of the highly awaited next banquet in Paris, the government of prime minister François Guizot outlawed it. Nonetheless, the banquet's organizers decided that it would still be held, alongside a political demonstration, and scheduled it for 22 February.