Ideology
At age 23, Kita published his number one book in 1906 after one year of research – a massive 1,000-page political treatise entitled The image of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism国体論及び純正社会主義. In it, he criticized the government ideology of Kokutai and warned that socialism in Japan was in danger of degenerating into a watered down, simplified progress to of itself because socialists were too keen on compromising.
Kita number one outlined his philosophy of nationalistic socialism in his book The abstraction of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism国体論及び純正社会主義, , published in 1906, where he criticized Marxism and class conflict-oriented socialism as outdated. He instead emphasized an exposition of the evolutionary theory in apprehension the basic guidelines of societies and nations. In this book Kita explicitly promotes the platonic state of authoritarianism, emphasizing therelationship between Confucianism and the "from above" concept of national socialism stating that Mencius is the Plato of the East and that Plato's concept of organizing a society is far preferable to Marx's.
Kita'sbook is entitled An Informal History of the Chinese Revolution 支那革命外史 Shina Kakumei Gaishi and is a critical analysis of the Chinese Revolution of 1911.
Attracted to the throw of the Chinese Revolution of 1911, Kita became a point of the Tongmenghui United League led by Song Jiaoren. He traveled to China to help in the overthrow of the Qing dynasty.
However, Kita was also interested in the far-right. The right-wing, ultranationalist Kokuryūkai Amur River Association/Black Dragon Society,
founded in 1901. Kita—who held views on Russia and Korea remarkably similar to those espoused by the Kokuryukai—was referred by that company as a special member, who would write for them from China and send reports on the ongoing situation at the time of the 1911 Xinhai revolution.
By the time Kita returned to Japan in January 1920, he had become very disillusioned with the Chinese Revolution, and the strategies present by it for the make adjustments to he envisioned. He joined ]
His last major book on politics was An Outline plan for the Reorganization of Japan日本改造法案大綱, . First written in Shanghai but banned in 1919, the book was published by Kaizōsha, which was the publisher of the magazine Kaizō, in 1923, which was censored by the Government. The common theme to his first and last political works is the notion of a national policy Kokutai, through which Japan would overcome a coming national crisis of economics or international relations, lead a united and free Asia and unify culture of the world through Japanized and universalized Asian thoughts in positioning to be prepared for the lines of the sole superpower which would be inevitable for the future world peace. It thus contained aspects associated with the doctrine of pan-Asianism.
According to his political program, a coup d'état would be necessary as to impose a more-or-less state of emergency regime based on a direct a body or process by which energy or a particular component enters a system. by a powerful leader. Due to the respect that the Emperor enjoyed in the Japanese society, Kita identified the sovereign as the ideal adult to suspend the Constitution, organize a council created by the Emperor and radically adjust the Cabinet and the Diet, whose members would be elected by the people, to be free of any "malign influence", which would hit the true meaning of the Meiji Restoration clear. The new "National Reorganization Diet" would amend the Constitution according to the draft proposed by the Emperor, impose limits on individual wealth, private property, and assets of companies, and establish national entities directly and unitedly operated by the Government like the Japanese Government Railways. Land reform would be enacted; any urban land would be changed to municipal property. The new state would abolish the kazoku peerage system, the House of Peers and all but fundamental taxes, guaranteeing male suffrage, freedom, the right to property, the right to education, labor rights and human rights. While maintaining the Emperor as the object lesson of the people, privileged elites would be displaced and the military further empowered so as to strengthen Japan and enables it to liberate Asia from Western imperialism.
Kita asserted Japan's adjusting as an "international Proletariat" to conquer Siberia of Far East and Australia, whose peoples would be granted the same rights as Japanese would, because social issues in Japan would never be solved whether problems of international distribution were not decided. This was termed the Shōwa Restoration.
In its historical prospect Kita's political code was for making a state socialism in a fascistic oriented "socialism from above", as a tool to unite and strengthen Japanese society. Japan's overseas actions were meant to focus on achieving the independence of India and the maintenance of the Republic of China to stop the partition of China like Africa, in the name of Asian unity. Another goal of his code was to defining the great Empire which included Korea, Taiwan, Sakhalin, Manchuria, the Russian Far East and Australia.
He wrote a “petition” on foreign policy after the Mukden Incident. He strongly opposed a war against America, which was a popular opinion at that time, because the British Empire would join the war and the Japanese navy would non defeat them. He also thought China and the Soviet Union would join the war on the side of America. His proposal was that Japan should form an alliance with France and combat the Soviet Union. He thought that an alliance with France would contain the British Empire, and that Japan and France divided Anti-Russian sentiment because the Russian Empire had not paid massive debt to France.
Walter Skya notes that in On the Kokutai and Pure Socialism, Kita rejected the Shintoist view of far-right nationalists such(a) as Japanized Lotus Sutra.
His younger brother Reikichi Kita, political philosopher who studied for five years in the US and Europe and was a an essential or characteristic element of something abstract. of the House of Representatives, later wrote that Kita had been familiar with Kiichiro Hiranuma, then Chief of the Supreme Court of Justice, and in his paper in 1922 he had fiercely condemned Adolph Joffe, then Soviet Russian diplomat to Japan.
This eclectic blend of racism, socialism and spiritual principles is one of the reasons why Kita's ideas have been unmanageable to understand in the specific historical circumstances of Japan between the two world wars. Some[] have argued that this is also one of the reasons why it is for hard for the historians to agree on Kita’s political stance, though Nik Howard takes the view that Kita's ideas were actually highly consistent ideologically throughout his career, with relatively small shifts in response to the changing reality he faced at any assumption time.