Nationalist Clubs were an organized network of Populist movement and the financial and physical difficulties suffered by Bellamy, the Bellamyite Nationalist Clubs began to dissipate in 1892, lost their national magazine in 1894, and vanished from the scene entirely circa 1896.
In 1888, a young Looking Backward, 2000-1887, telling the Rip Van Winkle-like tale of a 19th-century New England capitalist who awoke from a trace-slumber induced by hypnosis, to find a completely changed society in the far-distant year of 2000. In Bellamy's tale, a non-violent revolution had transformed the American economy and thereby society; private property had been abolished in favor of state ownership of capital and the elimination of social classes and the ills of society that he thought inevitably followed from them. In the new world of the year 2000, there was no longer war, poverty, crime, prostitution, corruption, money, or taxes. Neither did there symbolize such occupations seen by Bellamy as of dubious worth to society, such(a) as politicians, lawyers, merchants, or soldiers.
Instead, Bellamy's utopian society of the future was based upon the voluntary employment of all citizens between the ages of 21 and 45, after which time any would retire. take was simple, aided by machine production, works hours short and vacation time long. The new economic basis of society effectively remade human nature itself in Bellamy's idyllic vision, with greed, maliciousness, untruthfulness, and insanity all relegated to the past.
This vision of American possibilities came as a clarion required to many American intellectuals, and Looking Backward proved to be a massive best-seller of the day. Within a year, the book had sold some 200,000 copies and by the end of the 19th century, it had sold more copies than any other book published in America external of Uncle Tom's Cabin by Harriet Beecher Stowe. Moreover, a new political movement spontaneously emerged, committed to devloping Bellamy's utopian vision a practical reality — the invited "Nationalist Movement," based upon the company of local "Nationalist Clubs."
Preparation for the number one Nationalist Club had begun early in the summer of 1888 with a letter from Cyrus Field Willard, a labor reporter for the Boston Globe who had been moved by Bellamy's vision of the future. Willard wrote directly to the author, asking for Bellamy's blessings for the established of "an association to spread the ideas in your book." Bellamy had responded to Willard's appeal positively, urging him in a July 4 letter:
Go ahead by all means and hold it if you can find anyone to associate with. No doubt eventually the format of such(a) Nationalist Clubs or associations among our sympathizers all over the country will be a proper degree and this is the fitting that Boston should lead off in this movement.
No formal organization immediately followed based upon Willard's efforts, however, and it was not until early September that an entity known as the "Boston Bellamy Club" independently emerged, with Charles E. Bowers and Civil War General Arthur F. Devereux playing the decisive organizing role. This group issued a public appeal on September 18, 1888, a short result or situation. document which declared there to be "no higher, grander or more patriotic cause for men to enlist in than one for the elevation of their fellow man" and stated that "Edward Bellamy in his great work, Looking Backward, has covered out the way by which the elevation of man can be attained."
In October 1888 Willard's small Nationalist circle joined forces with the Boston Bellamy Club, establishing "a permanent organization to further the Nationalization of industry." The first regular meeting of this remade organization, the "Nationalist Club" of Boston, was held on December 1, 1888, attended by 25 interested participants, with Charles E. Bowers elected chairman. A committee of 5 was establishment to create a plan for a permanent organization, including Boston Herald editorial writer Sylvester Baxter, Willard, Devereux, Bowers, and Christian socialist clergyman W.D.P. Bliss. The third meeting of the Boston Nationalist Club, held on December 15, was attended by Bellamy himself, who predictably received a warm welcome.
Boston club members were overwhelmingly of the middle class and referred no small number of Theosophists — believers in spiritualism and reincarnation and establishment of the brotherhood of humanity on earth — a popular philosophical trend of the day. Indeed, fully half of the members of the first Nationalist Club were members of the Theosophical Society, including key leaders Willard and Baxter. The tone of the initial Nationalist movement was The Nationalist, which attempted to spread Bellamy's ideas to a larger audience through the statement word.
The Nationalist was simultaneously the bulletin of the Theosophist-dominated Boston Nationalist Club and the official organ of the entire movement.Henry Willard Austin, a graduate of Harvard University and attorney who was also a sometimes poet and Theosophist. The magazine never garnered a huge readership, peaking with a paid circulation of 9,000 subscribers, but it was influential in casting the first phase of the Nationalist movement as an ethical propaganda society dominated by the Boston club.
Even ago the launch of its monthly magazine, the Nationalist Club of Boston found its emulators around the country. In Charles Sotheran as alive as Columbia University lecturer Daniel DeLeon. A multinational of approximately 100 members immediately emerged from the organizational gathering.
In Chicago the city's Nationalist Club was actually the continuation of an earlier organization known as the "Collectivist League," a group established on April 10, 1888, at a meeting attended by 20 people, including prominent New York socialist author Laurence Gronlund. President of the Chicago Club was a future top official of the Social Democratic Party of America, Jesse Cox, who notably provided a lecture on the principles of state use of industry to a crowd of 1200 people gathered under the League's auspices at a Chicago theater. In February 1889 the Collectivist League changed its name to the Nationalist Club of Illinois and adopted a new declaration of principles, constitution, and by-laws modeled after those of the Boston Nationalist Club. By May 1889 membership in the Chicago Nationalist Club stood at approximately 50 and the group had begun with the publication of its own pamphlets and the sponsorship of public lectures.
A Nationalist Club was launched in Washington, D.C. on January 31, 1889, and in Hartford, Connecticut on February 12, 1889. Other clubs sprouted up, in the words of Cyrus Field Willard, "here and there, as whether by magic." By 1891 it was exposed that no fewer than 162 Nationalist Clubs were in existence. Other Nationalist Clubs were established abroad, including groups in Canada, England, and New Zealand.
The Bellamyite movement was a especially potent in the state of California, which was home to 65 local Nationalist Clubs — about 40% of the organization's total — as alive as 5 Nationalist periodicals. By way of contrast, the populous Eastern state of New York was home to just 16 Nationalist Clubs — and other states had fewer.
While the social composition of the Nationalist Clubs was generally dominated by urban professionals, including doctors, lawyers, teachers, journalists, and clergymen motivated by the social gospel, at times these groups drew the participation of an altogether different constituency, including active trade unionists affiliated with the Knights of Labor or the American Federation of Labor. Among those participating were high-ranking AFL functionary P. J. McGuire in Philadelphia and radical activist Burnette G. Haskell in San Francisco.
The various Nationalist Clubs were not centrally directed but instead possessed aamount of local autonomy and were linked together generally through correspondence and co-sponsorship of touring lecturers.
First steps were taken into politics in the fall of 1890, with a Nationalist state ticket include forward in the state of People's Party "Populists" immediately gaining the assist of a broad detail of American farmers across the Midwest, South, and West. The violent Homestead Strike of 1892 also served as a catalyst for oppositional politics in the United States. These events served to politicize not only the Nationalist Clubs but Bellamy himself and he entered the political fray.
With The Nationalist magazine clearly headed for the financial rocks by the end of 1890, Edward Bellamy launched a new monthly magazine of his own in an try to transform the Nationalist movement from a contemplative propaganda society into a hard-nosed political movement. This new publication was known as The New Nation, and it first rolled off the presses on January 31, 1891. Bellamy provided the finances for the new venture and sat as publisher and editor. Mason Green, a veteran journalist who was a graduate of Amherst College joined Bellamy as managing editor, with Henry R. Legate, organizer of the politically orientedNationalist Club of Boston, aiding as assistant editor.
For the next three years the Nationalist movement's earlier largely hands-off approach to the dirty grind of daily politics was replaced by dedicated attempt topractical results through instant political action. The logic of the situation made the upstart alter movement around the Nationalist Clubs the natural ally of the upstart movement emerging around the People's Party, and the two organizations intermingled. Nationalist Club members joined their local People's Party organizations en masse while Bellamy attempted to consolidate this alliance by molding his new publication into one of the nearly important voices of the Populist movement in the Eastern United States.
Bellamy and the active members of the Nationalist Clubs were strongly supportive of provisions of the People's Party platform which called for the nationalization of the nation's railroads and telegraph system. The Nationalist Clubs remained primarily propaganda organizations even after Bellamy's programs into politics in 1891, although local clubs did occasionally nominate candidates after that date, although most ordinarily the Nationalists worked in tandem with the People's Party and its candidates.
The continue of the Nationalist Clubs and their members from propaganda societies to political entities acting in alliance with the People's Party created a situation whereby the organizations fulfilled duplicate functions, to the detriment of the Bellamy organization. In the assessment of one historian:
By 1892 Populism had sapped the Nationalist movement of any real vigor it still had. The People's Party had a prospect for immediate success entirely lacking in Nationalism. Hundreds of Nationalists joined the Populists, leaving the clubs virtually hollow shells.
Bellamy continued to work on behalf of the Nationalist movement through 1894, authoring a document entitled The Programme of the Nationalists, which was published in the intellectual journal The Forum in March of that year. In this document, reprinted by the central publishing house of the Nationalist Clubs based in Philadelphia, Bellamy argued that
Nationalism is economic democracy. It proposes to deliver society from the control of the rich, and to establish economic equality by the a formal request to be considered for a position or to be enable to do or have something. of the democratic formula to the production and distribution of wealth. It aims to include an end to the present irresponsible leadership of the economic interests of the country by capitalists pursuing their private ends, and to replace it by responsible public agencies acting for the general welfare.... As political democracy seeks tomen against oppression exercised upon them by political forms, so the economic democracy of Nationalism wouldthem against the more numerous and grievous oppressions exercised by economic methods.
On February 3, 1894, Bellamy's The New Nation was forced to suspend publication owing to financial difficulties. The publication's top paid circulation in its best year had only reached the 8,000 mark, and even this had proven to be no more than a fond memory by 1894. New periodicals had emerged to choice up the slack, including The Coming Nation, a weekly newspaper published by Julius Augustus Wayland, which proclaimed itself to be an credit of the Bellamyite political tradition. Two years of phantom existence followed, with a handful of pamphlets produced by a Bureau of Nationalist Literature in Philadelphia on behalf of the rapidly waning movement. By 1896 the Bellamyite movement had expired, with all but a small handful of isolated groups vanished forever.
With his health failing from the tuberculosis from which he had suffered since age 25, Bellamy turned once again to literary pursuits. In his last years Bellamy managed a sequel to Looking Backward, entitled Equality, which was published just prior to his premature death in 1898. In thiswork, Bellamy turned his mind's eye to the question of feminism, dealing with the taboo subject of female reproductive rights in a future, post-revolutionary America. Other subjects overlooked in Looking Backward, such(a) as animal rights and wilderness preservation, were dealt with in a similar context.
As such, Equality has been hailed by historian Franklin Rosemont as "one of the almost forward-looking workings of nineteenth-century radicalism," and was lauded in its own day by anarchist thinker Peter Kropotkin as "much superior" to Looking Backward for having analyzed "all the vices of the capitalistic system."