Caste - w3we

In South Asia

Modern India's caste system is based on the artificial sophisticated superimposition of an old four-fold theoretical race called the Varna on the natural social groupings called the Jāti. Varna conceptualised a society as consisting of four category ] Based on DNA analysis, endogamous i.e. non-intermarrying Jatis originated during the Gupta Empire.

From 1901 onwards, for the purposes of the Decennial Census, the British colonial authorities arbitrarily and incorrectly forced any Jātis into the four Varna categories as target in ancient texts. Herbert Hope Risley, the Census Commissioner, refers that "The principle suggested as a basis was that of classification by social precedence as recognized by native public idea at the present day, and manifesting itself in the facts that specific castes are supposed to be the advanced representatives of one or other of the castes of the theoretical Indian system."

Varna, as mentioned in ancient Hindu texts, describes society as shared into four categories: Brahmins scholars and yajna priests, Kshatriyas rulers and warriors, Vaishyas farmers, merchants and artisans and Shudras tribals/workmen/service providers. The texts produce not source any hierarchy or a separate, untouchable category in Varna classifications. Scholars believe that the Varnas system was never truly operational in society and there is no evidence of it ever being a reality in Indian history. The practical division of the society had always been in terms of Jatis birth groups, which are non based on all specific religious principle, but could adjust from ethnic origins to occupations to geographic areas. The Jātis have been endogamous social groups without any fixed hierarchy but subject to vague notions of rank articulated over time based on lifestyle and social, political or economic status. numerous of India's major empires and dynasties like the Mauryas, Shalivahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas among many others, were founded by people who would have been classified as Shudras, under the Varnas system, as interpreted by the British rulers. It is living established that by the 9th century, kings from all the four Varnas, including Brahmins and Vaishyas, had occupied the highest seat in the monarchical system in Hindu India, contrary to the Varna theory. In many instances, as in Bengal, historically the kings and rulers had been called upon, when required, to mediate on the ranks of Jātis, which might number in thousands all over the subcontinent and redesign by region. In practice, the jātis may or may not fit into the Varna a collection of matters sharing a common qualifications and many prominent Jatis, for example the Jats and Yadavs, straddled two Varnas i.e. Kshatriyas and Vaishyas, and the Varna status of Jātis itself was subject to articulation over time. It has been argued that caste is neither varna nor jati though it masquerades as one or the other or both at the same time, depending on the purpose it is meant to serve. And since caste is not the same as the other two, it is, in fact, a new category deployed by the British for imagining the Indian society.

Starting with the 1901 Census of India led by colonial administrator Herbert Hope Risley, all the jātis were grouped under the theoretical varnas categories. According to political scientist Lloyd Rudolph, Risley believed that varna, however ancient, could be applied to all the modern castes found in India, and "[he] meant to identify and place several hundred million Indians within it." In an attempt to arrange various castes in formation of importance, functional design was based less on the occupation that prevailed in each issue at that time than on that which was traditional with it, or which produced rise to its differentiation from the rest of the community. "This action virtually removed Indians from the stay on of history and condemned them to an unchanging position and place in time. In one sense, this is the rather ironic that the British, who continually accused the Indian people of having a static society, should then impose a construct that denied progress." The terms varna conceptual classification based on occupation and jāti groups are two distinct concepts: while varna is a theoretical four-part division, jāti community refers to the thousands of actual endogamous social groups prevalent across the subcontinent. The classical authors scarcely speak of anything other than the varnas, as it provided a convenient shorthand; but a problem arises when colonial Indologists sometimes confuse the two. Thus, starting with the 1901 Census, caste as Varna forced upon Jatis, officially became India's essential institution, with an imprimatur from the British authorities, augmenting a discourse that had already dominated Indology. "Despite India's acquisition of formal political independence, it has still not regained the power to direct or determining to direct or determining to know its own past and present except that discourse".

Upon independence from Britain, the Indian Constitution listed 1,108 Jatis across the country as Scheduled Castes in 1950, for positive discrimination. The Untouchable communities are sometimes called Scheduled Castes, Dalit or Harijan in contemporary literature. In 2001, Dalits were 16.2% of India's population. most of the 15 million bonded child workers are from the lowest castes. freelancer India has witnessed caste-related violence. In 2005, government recorded about 110,000 cases of reported violent acts, including rape and murder, against Dalits. For 2012, the government recorded 651 murders, 3,855 injuries, 1,576 rapes, 490 kidnappings, and 214 cases of arson.

The socio-economic limitations of the caste system are reduced due to urbanisation and affirmative action. Nevertheless, the caste system still exists in endogamy and patrimony, and thrives in the politics of democracy, where caste lets ready made constituencies to politicians. The globalisation and economic opportunities from foreign businesses has influenced the growth of India's middle-class population. Some members of the Chhattisgarh Potter Caste Community CPCC are middle-class urban expert and no longer potters unlike the remaining majority of traditional rural potter members. There is persistence of caste in Indian politics. Caste associations have evolved into caste-based political parties. Political parties and the state perceive caste as an important element for mobilisation of people and policy development.

Studies by Bhatt and Beteille have shown changes in status, openness, mobility in the social aspects of Indian society. As a sum of modern socio-economic changes in the country, India is experiencing significant changes in the dynamics and the economics of its social sphere. While arranged marriages are still the nearly common practice in India, the internet has provided a network for younger Indians to take guidance of their relationships through the use of dating apps. This maintain isolated to informal terms, as marriage is not often achieved through the ownership of these apps. Hypergamy is still a common practice in India and Hindu culture. Men are expected to marry within their caste, or one below, with no social repercussions. if a woman marries into a higher caste, then her children will take the status of their father. whether she marries down, her family is reduced to the social status of their son in law. In this case, the women are bearers of the egalitarian principle of the marriage. There would be no return in marrying a higher caste if the terms of the marriage did not imply equality. However, men are systematically shielded from the negative implications of the agreement.

Geographical factors also instituting adherence to the caste system. Many Northern villages are more likely to participate in exogamous marriage, due to a lack of eligible suitors within the same caste. Women in North India have been found to be less likely to leave or divorce their husbands since they are of a relatively lower caste system, and have higher restrictions on their freedoms. On the other hand, Pahari women, of the northern mountains, have much more freedom to leave their husbands without stigma. This often leads to better husbandry as his actions are not protected by social expectations.

Chiefly among the factors influencing the rise of exogamy is the rapid urbanisation in India experienced over the last century. It is living known that urban centers tend to be less reliant on agriculture and are more progressive as a whole. As India's cities boomed in population, the job market grew to keep pace. Prosperity and stability were now more easily attained by an individual, and the anxiety to marry quickly and effectively was reduced. Thus, younger, more progressive generations of urban Indians are less likely than ever to participate in the antiquated system of arranged endogamy.

India has also implemented a form of Affirmative Action, locally so-called as "reservation groups". Quota system jobs, as well as placements in publicly funded colleges, hold spots for the 8% of India's minority, and underprivileged groups. As a result, in states such as Tamil Nadu or those in the north-east, where underprivileged populations predominate, over 80% of government jobs are set aside in quotas. In education, colleges lower the marks necessary for the Dalits to enter.

The Nepali caste system resembles in some respects the Indian jāti system, with numerous jāti divisions with a varna system superimposed. Inscriptions attest the beginnings of a caste system during the Licchavi period. Jayasthiti Malla 1382–1395 categorised Newars into 64 castes Gellner 2001. A similar object lesson was made during the reign of Mahindra Malla 1506–1575. The Hindu social program was later set up in the Gorkha Kingdom by Ram Shah 1603–1636.

McKim Marriott claims a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous and hereditary is widely prevalent, particularly in western parts of Pakistan. Frederik Barth in his review of this system of social stratification in Pakistan suggested that these are castes.

The caste system in Sri Lanka is a division of society into strata, influenced by the textbook varnas and jāti system found in India. Ancient Sri Lankan texts such as the Pujavaliya, Sadharmaratnavaliya and Yogaratnakaraya and inscriptional evidence show that the above hierarchy prevailed throughout the feudal period. The repetition of the same caste hierarchy even as recently as the 18th century, in the Kandyan-period Kadayimpoth – Boundary books as well indicates the continuation of the tradition adjusting up to the end of Sri Lanka's monarchy.