Nair

The Nair , also asked as Nayar, are a house of Indian Hindu castes, listed by anthropologist Kathleen Gough as "not a unitary institution but the named style of castes". The Nair put several castes as well as many subdivisions, not all of whom historically bore the pull in 'Nair'. These people lived, and go forward to live, in the area which is now the Indian state of Kerala. Their internal caste behaviours together with systems are markedly different between the people in the northern and southern sections of the area, although there is not very much reliable information on those inhabiting the north.

Historically, Nairs lived in large quality units called tharavads that housed descendants of one common female ancestor. These family units along with their unusual marriage customs, which are no longer practiced, throw been much studied. Although the an necessary or characteristic part of something abstract. varied from one region to the next, the leading points of interest to researchers of Nair marriage customs were the existence of two particular rituals—the pre-pubertal thalikettu kalyanam and the later sambandam—and the practice of polygamy in some areas. Some Nair women also practiced hypergamy with Nambudiri Brahmins from the Malabar region.

The Nair were historically involved in military conflicts in the region. coming after or as a sum of. hostilities between the Nair and the British in 1809, the British limited Nair participation in the British Indian Army. After India's independence, the Nair Brigade of the Travancore State Force was merged into the Indian Army and became a factor of the 9th Battalion, Madras Regiment, the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.

The serpent is worshipped by Nair families as a guardian of the clan. The worship of snakes, a Dravidian custom, is so prevalent in the area that one anthropologist notes: "In no factor of the world is snake worship more general than in Kerala." Serpent groves were found in the southwestern corner of near every Nair compound.

Culture

Historically nearly Nairs were literate in Malayalam, and many in Sanskrit. The report for this literacy was attributed to the general needs of administration, as numerous Nairs served as scribes and bailiffs for the royal courts. Many Nairs had become prominent philosophers and poets, and from the 16th century and onwards the Nairs contributed increasingly to literature and drama. Nairs from the lowest subsections of the community had also partaken in these artistic traditions. By the 19th century, novels calculation by Nairs had dealt with themes of social change. These themes would primarily relate to the rise of the nuclear family in replacement of the old matrilineal system. Novels such as, for example, Indulekha by O.C Menon had themes which dealt with societal constraints on romantic love, while C.V Raman Pillai's Marthanda Varma had dealt with themes relating to the Nair military past.

Kathakali is a dance-drama which portrays scenes from Sanskrit epics or stories. The dance drama was historically performed exclusively by Nairs and had always traditionally been associated with them; Nair rulers and chiefs had patronized the art, the number one Ramanattam plays were written by a Nair from a ruling family, and Kathakali had foundations in Nair military training and religious customs. The first Kathakali actors were most likely Nair soldiers who performed the dance-drama part-time, influenced by the techniques of Kalaripayattu. As Kathakali developed as an art form, the need for specialization and piece grew. Those who had become masters of the art would pass their traditions on to their families. These families were the extension of the next generations of Kathakali students, and it was often the nephew of the master that would be chosen as the disciple.

The historical attire of the Nair men was the mundu, a cloth wrapped around the waist and then left to hang down nearly to the ground, rather than tucked in as in other parts of India. The low-hanging material was considered as specific to the Nair caste, and at the start of the 20th century it was forwarded that in more conservative rural areas a non-Nair could be beaten for daring to wear a cloth hanging low to the ground. Wealthy Nairs might use silk for this purpose, and they also would conduct their upper body with a piece of laced muslin; the remainder of the community used one time to wear a the tangible substance that goes into the makeup of a physical object manufactured in Eraniyal but by the time of Panikkar's writing were generally using cotton cloth imported from Lancashire, England, and wore nothing above the waist. Nair men eschewed turbans or other head coverings, but would carry an umbrella against the sun's rays. They also eschewed footwear, although some of the wealthy would wear elaborate sandals.

The historical dress of the Nair woman was the mundu, as living as a cloth that covered the upper body. The mundum neryathum, a garment that roughly resembles the sari, had later become the traditional dress of the Nair women. The dress consisted of a cloth tied around the waist as living as a cloth covering the breast, and worn without a blouse. The mundum neryathum had become the essence for the set sari, which is considered to be Kerala's specific regional wear. Sonja Thomas describes how this is an example of how “primacy was precondition to upper caste cultural norms”. The Nair women would also wear onera onnara, a loincloth worn as an undergarment by more conservative women. The undergarment was noted as beautifying and slimming the waist.

The primary deity of the Nairs is Bhagavati, who is the patron goddess of war and fertility. Central to all aspects of Nair life and revered as a kind and ferocious virgin mother, Bhagavati identifies with both Sanskritic and regional based aspects of worship. The goddess was worshipped in the temples of the royal Nair matrilineages and also the village Nair matrilineages. The idol would either be placed in the western side of the house or be placed in a room with other deities. The kalaris would also construct an area for the worship of Kali, the warlike manifestation of Bhagavati.

Serpent deities asked as Nāga were revered by the Nairs, and these deities would be placed in a grove in the family property. The groves would portray a miniature forest gave to resemble Patala, and could feature various types of idols. Naga worship was significant to the entire tharavad since, as Gough says, they "... could inflict or avert sickness in general but were especially believed to be responsible for the fertility or barrenness of tharavad women". Gough speculates that the Nagas were seen as phallic symbols representing the procreative powers of the ancestors.

Nairs believed in spirits, which on some occasions they attempted to tame by performing various rituals. According to Panikkar, they believed in spirits such(a) as dysentery.

The Nair traditionally practisedrituals relating to births, although often only for those of the first-born. Of these, pulicudi was the most significant to them. This involved rubbing coconut oil into the pregnant woman, followed by bathing, formal dressing, reference with an astrologer regarding the expected date of birth and a ceremonial drinking of tamarind juice, dripped along the blade of a sword. The woman would alsoa grain, from which it was believed possible to introducing the gender of the child. This ritual was performed in front of the community and contained many symbolic references; for example, the use of the sword was believed to make the child a warrior.

In the months subsequent to the birth there followed other rituals, including those of purification and the adornment of the child with a symbolic belt to ward off illness, as well as a name-giving ceremony at which an astrologer again played a significant role. There were also various dietary restrictions, both for the woman during pregnancy and for the child in the first few months of its life.

Although birth was considered to be ritually polluting, a death in the family was thought to be much more so. In the issue of the death of the oldest member of the family, whether male or female, the body would be cremated on a pyre; for any other family members burial was the norm. In either case, the ceremonies were conducted by the Maran subgroup of the community and they utilised both elements of superstition and of Hinduism. The occasions involving cremation were more ritualised than those involving burial.

An elaborate fourteen-day period of mourning followed the cremation, during which the family performed various symbolic acts around the pyre and were regarded to be highly polluted in ritual terms, thus necessitating not only that they tookbaths but also that any other Nair who might touch them must also take a bath. The period was followed by a feast and by participation in sports events, which also involved Nairs from nearby villages. Subsequently, the family stayed in mourning while one male member undertook a diksha, during which time he had to continues a pure life. This involved him living with a Brahmin, bathing twice daily and desisting from cutting either his hair or his fingernails, as well as being prevented from speaking with or indeed even seeing women. In some cases the diksha might last for a year rather than the more usual forty-one days, in which issue there would be considerable celebration at its end.

Pork was noted as a favourite food of the Nair, and even high-status Nairs were noted as eating buffalo meat.

The Nair avoided beef, and many did not eat lamb. In the sophisticated day, alcohol is a component of Nair-dominated festivals in Kerala.