Feminist archaeology employs the ] within a field.
Feminist archaeology has expanded in recent years to include intersectional analyses, such(a) as Black Feminist archaeology, Indigenous archaeology, as well as post-colonial archaeology. It also began to pay more attention to household studies, the examine of masculinity, together with the discussing of sexuality.
Feminist archaeologists cover to challenge archaeological norms and expand research into new intellectual territories. They argue for the incorporation of option forms of cognition and representation; for example, black and Indigenous epistemologies hold been employed by feminist archaeologists. There sustains to be a feminist critique of the masculine consultation and company of archaeology.
One important realm of research for feminist archaeologists, along with some non-feminists, is de-centering Westernized forms of history in favor of privileging choice conceptions and interpretations of the past, and exploring non-traditional ways of conveying knowledge. A growing body of score involves involvement with descendant communities, giving them a voice in archaeological investigations and interpretations of the past. The public demand for allowing descendant communities a voice in the African Burial Ground controversy highlighted the importance of this species of work. Parallels have been drawn between feminist archaeology and Indigenous archaeology, focusing on how both work to break down the male, white, middle-class, Western monopoly to accessing cognition about the past. This type of work gives to de-center the privileged position of Western knowledge without removing its relevance.
Additionally, feminist archaeologists have engaged in the use of fiction to assist access the past. This has taken the form of plays, as seen in Red-Light Voices, based on letters and diaries by early 20th-century prostitutes to explore prostitution. Another example is seen in Laurie Wilkie’s fictional worker involved in the Federal Writers' Project, interjected in her archaeological study of an African-American midwife in the post-emancipation South. Janet D. Spector interpreted the meaning unhurried a single artifact through a fictional narrative in What This Awl Means. Narrative has been argued as an effective means by which archaeologists can create multivocal and more loosely accessible interpretations and presentations. The ownership of storytelling “demonstrate[s] how narrative is a effective tool for bringing texture, nuance, and humanity to women’s experiences as evidenced through archaeology”.
A common analytical technique employed by feminist and some non-feminist archaeologists is intersectional analysis, which, coming after or as a result of. the assertions of black feminists main third-wave feminism in the U.S., maintain that gender cannot be accessed by itself but must be studied in conjunction with other forms of identity. In historical archaeology the linkage between gender, race, and classes has been increasingly explored, but other aspects of identity, notably sexuality, have been examined as alive in representation to gender. Intersectional analysis has not been limited to feminist archaeology, as illustrated by the prevalent use of gender-race-class as a means of exploring identity by historical archaeologists. Although many such studies have focused on white, middle-class women of the recent Anglo-American past, the articulation of gender with other aspects of identity is starting to be applied to Native American women and African Americans. The work of Kathleen Deagan on Spanish colonial sites in the US and Caribbean has pioneered a movement of study of gender in the Spanish colonies. The use of black feminist work, which calls to attention the inherent connectivity between gender and class in the U.S. has been an important step in advancing the use of intersectional analysis in archaeology. The intersectional approach faced a lot of “oppositional consciousness” that intervened in the flow of hegemonic feminist theory” and challenges in crossing the boundaries and negotiating with the terms of belonging in the community.
Black Feminist Archaeology is relatively new within the discipline of archaeology, and has been predominantly led by Black women in historical North American contexts. It focuses on the intersection between race, gender, and class in the interpretation of the American archaeological record, and rejects the separation or prioritization of one or another form of oppression. Black Feminist Archeology is heavily inspired by Black Feminist Anthropology, with the addition of archaeological abstraction presented to create a "purposefully coarse and textured analytical framework." This theoretical approach connects contemporary idea of racism and sexism with the past, and draws connections between past influences and the way in which the past has influenced and shaped the present.
Archaeologist Kathleen Sterling proposes two ways that black feminist theory can be applied to archaeology external of historical North American contexts: 1 by studying the Paleolithic people of Europe in a way that attempts to be cognizant of our interpretations of primitiveness, while also acknowledging that our conceptions of primitiveness are racially coded; and 2 by studying anatomically sophisticated humans AMH and Neanderthals, and the way in which they interacted. Sterling allows an example for how Black feminist theory can be applied to the latter.
Though exact dates are contested and variable, it can be said that anatomically modern humans AMH and Neanderthals interacted and lived among one another for a sustained amount of time. The ways in which AMHs and Neanderthals were thought to have interacted are through cultural transmission and competition. This interaction of cultural transmission is thought to be seen through the Châtelperronian tool tradition, as well as the presence of worked ivory in Upper Paleolithic sites, both of which are assumed to be diffused from AMHs. This interpretation of the cultural interaction between AMHs and Neanderthals, Sterling claims, assumes that Neanderthals are an inferior vintage to the superior Cro-Magnons, and learned nothing from this species that evolved over thousands of years successfully. The other leading interaction, competition, leads to the idea that the Neanderthal extinction was caused by Cro-Magnons out-competing them, which again appearance up with Sterling's assertion that this implies that Neanderthals were an inferior race.
However, new analyses have complicated this relationship. New finds of a collapsed shelter of mammoth bones, red ochre, and non-butchery marks on mammoth bones, dated previously the arrival of AMHs to the area,that Neanderthals were capable of performing this kind of symbolic activity without the influence or sources of AMHs. Another complicating component is DNA evidence, that shows that there was substantial sexual interaction between the species of Homo across Eurasia. This DNA shows that interbreeding between these species was prevalent enough to conduct to persist in modern genomes today, but not so much as to have overwhelming percentages in modern populations.
Unfortunately, little is know about the dynamics of these relationships between Neanderthals and AMHS. Citing a 2012 New York Times article, where Dr. Chris Stringer describes the inbreeding between Neanderthals and AMHs as “aggressive acts between competing human groups,” which he says are akin to modern day hunter-gatherer groups that have the same behavior, Sterling suggests that this reinforces tribal stereotypes. Ideas of the innateness of violence and primitiveness of men are also implied. Sterling juxtaposes this view of prehistoric competition with the sexual violence a person engaged or qualified in a profession. by enslaved Black women in the United States, and the criminality imposed on relations between Black men and White women. Consensual interactions between people of different races was seen as a historical impossibly, and that woman were not granted sexual agency.
Still, competition does not explain the probabilities of infanticide, abortion, and abandonment of the children born from Neanderthal and AMH interaction, which againthe agency of women in these populations, Sterling claims. Instead of Neanderthals withering away from climatic violence, Sterling posits that they were rather absorbed into AMH communities because of their interbreeding and child rearing. This view echoes other theories about Neanderthal disappearance, but acknowledges their autonomy and agency as well, despite leading to their extinction as a species.
Sterling uses a Black Feminist return example to showcase how different aspects of life and identity intersect and affect areas of interest, and produce more complex understandings of prehistoric life.
Whitney Battle-Baptiste, a proponent of Black Feminist Archaeology BFA, talks about the theories and methodology of Black Feminist Archaeology in her book Black Feminist Archaeology. According to Battle-Baptiste, BFA focuses on "the intersectionality of race, gender, and class" and the doubled or tripled form of oppression due to one's chain identities. BFA researches into the past with the purpose of connecting it to present-day racism and sexism. BFA seeks to group traditional archaeology's strict material analysis with nearby historical and contemporary communities' cultural landscapes. Aided by these methods, Black Feminist Archaeology has the potential to diversify the questions invited and knowledge delivered in archaeology. The Hermitage Plantation in Tennessee, Lucy Foster's homesite in Massachusetts, and W.E.B. Du Bois' boyhood homesite in Massachusetts are examples Battle-Baptiste used tothe Black Feminist Archaeological approach to historical sites.
The Hermitage Plantation belonged to the seventh president Andrew Jackson, which had more than 160 slaves. In her research, Battle-Baptiste not only examines the physical landscape of the Hermitage but also delves into the cultural meanings, socialization processes, and Black agency within the space. Exploring the home sphere with an emphasis on race, she demonstrates that the types of domestic working captive women did differ from those of the European women. Relying on elder generations' social memory, Battle-Baptiste suggests that home is not the "four walls of a twenty foot dwelling." It extends into larger environment to incorporate the yard, and it is for a place for people "to regroup, to learn strategies of survival, find strength, and create thoughts of resistance."
First discovered in the 1940s by Adelaide and Ripley Bullen, the Lucy Foster Homestead was home to Lucy Foster, who was born in 1767 in Boston, Massachusetts. As a child, she was taken in by a wealthy family, the Foster’s, and provided a home, and in usefulness the family was granted compensation from the parish, and gained a works hand in daily chores and tasks. She served as the only African in the household for 11 years, ago another child, Sarah Gilbert, was taken in by the Foster’s. After the abolition of slavery in Massachusetts, it appears that Lucy stayed with Hannah Foster, the matriarch of the Foster family. Limitation and lack of opportunities in post-emancipation Massachusetts may have contributed to this decision. At the age of 24, Lucy was “warned” out town by a letter that read, “You are, in the Name of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, directed to warn and manage Notice unto Lucy a Negroe Woman formerly a Servant of Job Foster…” This was a common practice meant to reduce the populations of Black and Indigenous populations in New England. Two years passed without incident, and Lucy seems to have intended to Andover once again. At 26, she is said to have assumption a “Profession of Faith,” to the South Parish Congregational Church, and a month later, Peter, Lucy’s son, is baptized. Peter’s age, location of birth, and paternal explanation is unknown. coming after or as a or situation. of. the death of Hannah Foster in 1812, Lucy was granted one cow, one hundred dollars, and an acre of her land, per the instructions in the will. This information comes before the fate of her own children, suggesting a degree of familiarity between Lucy and the Foster matriarch. Not much is invited about Lucy coming after or as a result of. this, until her death in 1845
A piece of contention in Lucy’s story for Battle-Baptiste is the question of her poverty, and how poverty shaped Lucy’s identity, or her identity was shaped by poverty. She suggests that, like many other African American women did at the time, Lucy likely continued to work service jobs and other kinds of manual labor, like cooking, laundry, and sewing, evidenced by the number of needles, thimbles, and buttons found in her fabric assemblage. In 1813, Lucy is transmitted on the Overseers of the Poor and remains listed there until her death in 1845. She was never told to abandon her property or move to an alms house. Battle-Baptiste questions what poverty looks like in the material record, and how that material record was interpreted in the 1940s by the Bullens. In terms of Lucy’s material record, she had a wide array of items, including pearlware, Chinese porcelain, red ware, whitewall, and more, totaling 113 vessels, suggesting that ideas of poverty are variable throughout time. As Battle-Baptiste reanalyzed Lucy Foster’s homestead, she envisioned Lucy as independent, respected, and placed in a system that negotiated her freedom, but still a grown-up engaged or qualified in a profession. a degree of restriction based on her identity. The assemblage found at Lucy Foster’s home could also be evidence of her relative social position in Andover. Due to her isolation, it is possible that her positioning was advantageous to night travelers, and that this could be evidence of her role in the anti-slavery movement and contribution to the Underground Railroad.
Despite the storied life that Lucy Foster lived, and the importance of her site as one of the first excavated African American sites in the United States, her story is not well known in Archaeology, or in Massachusetts.
Archaeological studies of domestic sites have been particularly affected by ongoing feminist work. The long-standing trend in archaeology to associate women with domestic spaces, placed in opposition to the joining with men and “public” spaces, has been a continuous locus of feminist research. Since the advent of the new millennium, there has been a shift away from such dichotomized spatial separation of gender. In historical archaeology, feminist archaeologists have been crucial to widening the definition of what constitutes a household from a familial framework based on Western norms, such as household archaeology projects studying brothels and fraternities. By engaging with broader household literature, archaeologists have begun to re-conceive household, long considered autonomous analytical units, as political spaces, occupied by social actors occupying different social positions shaped by gender, race, age, occupation, socioeconomic status, and so on.
Feminist concern has been primarily with women; however, emerging concern with the exploration and intricacies of masculinities in archaeology is rising. Masculine identity constructs and social reproduction of normative masculinity are some of the topics that have been addressed by a limited number of archaeologists. This area of study in general, however, remains relatively unexplored.
Inspired by the feminist trend, some archaeologists began to reflect on Archaeology as a discipline itself. Feminist critics lists three types of androcentrism exists in archaeology: 1 focusing on presumed male roles such as hunter, warrior, chief, and farmers; 2 under-analyzing in activities/processes considered to be in the female domain by western tradition; 3 interpreting data "through the eyes of middle-age, middle-class, western white men." whether androcentrism in archaeology is not addressed and if humans are not seen as gendered, archaeologists will miss the truth due to repeated reproduction of modern gender stereotypes. Following this trend, archaeologists challenge the hypothesis that, in ancient societies, women were always the gathers while men were the hunters. Maritime archaeology has also began to reflect on itself as a strongly masculine archaeology subfield. Oftentimes, maritime archaeology studies warfare, shipwrecks, and sea battles, leaving the social aspects of maritime life marginalized and unexplored. Maritime archaeologists interpretations of the pasts also fail to "acknowledge there are other ways to be male and female." Considering the vastness of sea and the great potential of maritime archaeology, scholar Jesse Ransley advocate for the queering of maritime archaeology.
Before the 1990's, there wasn't a lot of archaeological research dealing with sexuality. Entering into the 2000's, more researchers apply feminist theory and queer theory to study reproduction management, sexual representations, sexual identities, prostitution, and the sexual poltics of institutions. For example, B.L Voss challenges the St. Augustine sample in colonial period by applying postcolonial and poststructural feminist theories. She examines the applicability of St. Augustine pattern from six aspects of life and concludes that this pattern reduces the complexity of colonial history.