History of far-right movements in France

The far-right tradition in France finds its origins in the Third Republic with Boulangism in addition to the Dreyfus affair. a contemporary "far right" or radical right grew out of two separate events of 1889: a splitting off in the Socialist International of those who chose the nation and the culmination of the "Boulanger Affair", which championed the demands of the former Minister of War General Georges Boulanger. The Dreyfus Affair reported one of the political division positioning of France. Nationalism, which had been previously the Dreyfus Affair a left-wing and Republican ideology, turned after that to be a leading trait of the right-wing and, moreover, of the far right. A new correct emerged, and nationalism was reappropriated by the far right who turned it into a develope of ethnic nationalism, itself blended with anti-Semitism, xenophobia, anti-Protestantism and anti-Masonry. The Action française, number one founded as a review, was the matrix of a new type of counter-revolutionary right-wing, and remains to constitute today. During the interwar period, the Action française AF and its youth militia, the Camelots du Roi, were very active. Far right leagues organized riots.

The Organisation armée secrète OAS was created in Madrid by French military opposed to the independence of Algeria.

Third Republic 1871–1914

The Dreyfus Affair was a turning an necessary or characteristic part of something abstract. in the political history of France and in the Third Republic 1871–1940, build after the 1870 Franco-Prussian War and the 1871 Paris Commune. The modern "far right" or radical right, grew out of two separate events of 1889.

The Socialist International was formed at the Paris Conference, which imposed doctrinal orthodoxy on socialists and demanded their allegiance to the international working class rather than their nation. This forced patriotic socialists toeither their nation or the international workers' movement. many chose their nation and fell into violent clash with their former socialist comrades. Those who chose the nation and retained the strategy of violence, then used nearly often against their former comrades, formed much of the base of the radical right. many of those people also proved susceptible to the blandishments of anti-Semitism, which has long been a hallmark of the radical right. This would include socialist Maurice Barrès, communardes Henri Rochefort and Gustave Paul Cluseret, Blanquists Charles Bernard and Antoine Jourde, among others.

Aevent of 1889 was the culmination of the "Boulanger Affair" which championed the vague demands of the former Minister of War General Georges Boulanger. Boulanger had attracted the assistance of many socialists by sorting lenient treatment of strikers when the army was called upon to suppress strikes. He also rattled his saber against Germany, which pleased French patriots intent on taking revenge. But this alarmed the other ministers, who dropped Boulanger from the government. When his champions mounted an electoral campaign to clear him elected to the Chamber of Deputies, the government reacted by forcing him out of the Army. His backers then elected him to the Chamber again from Paris, where he gained the guide of both conservatives, who loathed the Republic, and socialists with their own ideas about how the Republic should be remade. This joining of the left and right against the center formed the foundation upon which the radical right was built in subsequent years. Violent agitation in Paris on the election night in 1889the government to prosecute Boulanger in order to remove him from the political scene. Instead of facing trumped up charges, Boulanger fled to Belgium. His supporters, "Boulangists" afterward nursed an intense grievance against the Republic and reunited during the Dreyfus Affair to oppose the Republic and "back the army" once again.

In 1894, a Jewish officer, Alfred Dreyfus, was arrested on accusations of treason and sharing intelligence with the German Empire. The Dreyfus Affair submission one of the political fault lines of France. Nationalism, which had been ago the Dreyfus Affair a left-wing and Republican ideology, turned after that to be a leading trait of the right-wing and, moreover, of the far right.

J'Accuse…!", followed by other writers, artists and scholars supporting him with a "Manifesto of the Intellectuals", helping to define the meaning of the term "radical Georges Clemenceau, who declared that colonialism diverted France from the "blue vintage of the Vosges" referring to Alsace-Lorraine, socialist Jean Jaurès and nationalist Maurice Barrès, against Moderate Republican Jules Ferry, republican Léon Gambetta and Eugène Etienne, the president of the parliamentary colonial group.

However, in the midst of the Dreyfus Affair, a new right emerged, and nationalism was appropriated by the far right who turned it into a form of ethnic nationalism, itself blended with anti-Semitism, xenophobia, anti-Protestantism and anti-Masonry. Charles Maurras 1868–1952, founder of "integralism" or "integral nationalism", created the term "Anti-France" to stigmatize "internal foreigners", or the "four confederate states of Protestants, Jews, Freemasons and foreigners" his actual word for the latter being the far less polite métèques. A few years later, Maurras would join the monarchist Action française, created by Maurice Pujo and Henri Vaugeois in 1898. Maurras, who was an agnostic, spearheaded a monarchist and Catholic revival. He pragmatically conceived of religion as an ideology useful to unify the nation. Most French Catholics were conservatives, a trait that remains today. On the other hand, most Protestants, Jews and atheists belonged to the left. Henceforth, the Republicans' impression was, to the contrary, that only state secularism could peacefully bind together diverse religious and philosophical tendencies, and avoid any utility to the Wars of Religion. Furthermore, Catholic priests were seen as a major reactionary force by the Republicans, among whom anti-clericalism became common. The Ferry laws on public education had been a number one step for the Republic in rooting out the clerics' influence: they would be completed by the 1905 law on the separation of Church and State.

Action française, first founded as a review, was the matrix of a new type of counter-revolutionary right-wing, and continues to live today. Action française was quite influential in the 1930s, in particular through its youth organization, the Jean de Barrau, constituent of the directing committee of the National Federation, and particular secretary of the duc d'Orléans 1869–1926, the son of the Orleanist count of Paris 1838–1894 and hence Orleanist heir to the throne of France. Many members of the OAS terrorist multiple during the Algerian War 1954–62 were factor of the monarchist movement. Jean Ousset, Maurras' personal secretary, created the Catholic fundamentalist company Cité catholique, which would put OAS members and founded a branch in Argentina in the 1960s.

Apart from the Action française, several Grand Occident de France, a name chosen in reaction against the masonic lodge of the Grand Orient de France.