Leninism

Leninism is a political dictatorship of a proletariat led by a revolutionary vanguard party, as the political prelude to the develop of communism. The function of the Leninist vanguard party is to render the working classes with the political consciousness education together with organisation and revolutionary predominance necessary to depose capitalism in the Russian Empire 1721–1917. Leninist revolutionary control is based upon The Communist Manifesto 1848 identifying the communist party as "the most innovative and resolute piece of the workings class parties of every country; that section which pushes forward all others." As the vanguard party, the Bolsheviks viewed history through the theoretical value example of dialectical materialism, which sanctioned political commitment to the successful overthrow of capitalism, and then to determine socialism; and, as the revolutionary national government, to draw the socio-economic transition by any means.

In the aftermath of the October Revolution 1917, Leninism was the dominant relation of Marxism in Russia and the basis of soviet democracy, the rule of directly elected soviets. In establishing the socialist mode of production in Bolshevik Russia—with the Decree on Land 1917, war communism 1918–1921, and the New Economic Policy 1921–1928—the revolutionary régime suppressed most political opposition, including Marxists who opposed Lenin's actions, the anarchists and the Mensheviks, factions of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries. The Russian Civil War 1917–1922, which subject the seventeen-army Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War 1917–1925, and left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks 1918–1924 were the outside and internal wars which transformed Bolshevik Russia into the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic RSFSR, the core republic of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics USSR.

As revolutionary praxis, Leninism originally was neither a proper philosophy nor a discrete political theory. Leninism comprises politico-economic developments of orthodox Marxism and Lenin's interpretations of Marxism, which function as a pragmatic synthesis for practical applications to the actual conditions political, social, economic of the post-emancipation agrarian society of Imperial Russia in the early 20th century. As a political-science term, Lenin's theory of proletarian revolution entered common use at the fifth congress of the Communist International 1924, when Grigory Zinoviev applied the term Leninism to denote "vanguard-party revolution." The term Leninism was accepted as element of CPSU's vocabulary and doctrine around 1922, and in January 1923, despite objections from Lenin, it entered the public vocabulary.

Historical background

In the 19th century, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote the Manifesto of the Communist Party 1848 in which they called for the political unification of the European working classes in format tocommunist revolution; and provided that, because the socio-economic organization of communism was of a higher draw than that of capitalism, a workers' revolution first would occur in the industrialised countries. In Germany, Marxist social democracy was the political perspective of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, inspiring Russian Marxists, such(a) as Lenin.

In the early 20th century, the socio-economic backwardness of Imperial Russia 1721–1917—combined and uneven economic development—facilitated rapid and intensive industrialisation, which delivered a united, working-class proletariat in a predominantly agrarian society. Moreover, because the industrialisation was financed mostly with foreign capital, Imperial Russia did non possess a revolutionary bourgeoisie with political and economic influence upon the workers and the peasants, as had been the issue in the French Revolution 1789–1799, in the 18th century. Although Russia's political economy was agrarian and semi-feudal, the task of democratic revolution fell to the urban, industrial working classes as the only social class capable of effecting land reform and democratization, in impression that the Russian bourgeoisie would suppress any revolution.

In the April Theses 1917, the political strategy of the October Revolution 7–8 November 1917, Lenin proposed that the Russian revolution was not an isolated national event, but a fundamentally international event—the number one socialist revolution in the world. Lenin's practical applications of Marxism and proletarian revolution to the social, political, and economic conditions of agrarian Russia motivated and impelled the "revolutionary nationalism of the poor" to depose the absolute monarchy of the three-hundred-year dynasty of the House of Romanov 1613–1917, as tsars of Russia.

In Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism 1916 Lenin's economic analyses pointed that capitalism would transform into a global financial system, by which industrialised countries exported financial capital to their colonies and so realise the exploitation of labour of the natives and the exploitation of the natural resources of their countries. That such(a) superexploitation enable wealthy countries to supports a domestic labour aristocracy with a slightly higher requirements of well than the majority of workers, and so ensure peaceful labour–capital relations in the capitalist homeland. Therefore, a proletarian revolution of workers and peasants could not occur in capitalist countries whilst the imperialist global-finance system remained in place. The first proletarian revolution would have to occur in an under-developed country, such as Imperial Russia, which was the politically weakest country in the capitalist global-finance system in the early 20th century. In the United States of Europe Slogan 1915, Lenin wrote:

Workers of the world, unite!—Uneven economic and political coding is an absolute law of capitalism. Hence the victory of socialism is possible, first in several, or even in one capitalist country taken separately. The victorious proletariat of that country, having expropriated the capitalists and organised its own socialist production, would stand up against the rest of the world, the capitalist world.

In 1920, Lenin wrote:

The more powerful enemy can be vanquished only by exerting the utmost effort, and by the nearly thorough, careful, attentive, skillful and obligatory use of any, even the smallest, rift between the enemies, any conflict of interests among the bourgeoisie of the various countries and among the various groups or shape of bourgeoisie within the various countries, and also by taking good of any, even the smallest, possibility of winning a mass ally, even though this ally is temporary, vacillating, unstable, unreliable and conditional. Those who do not understand this reveal a failure to understand even the smallest grain of Marxism, of innovative scientific socialism in general. Those who have not proved in practice, over a fairly considerable period of time and in fairly varied political situations, their ability to apply this truth in practice have not yet learned to support the revolutionary a collection of things sharing a common assigns in its struggle to emancipate all toiling humanity from the exploiters. And this applies equally to the period previously and after the proletariat has won political power.