Neo-fascism

Neo-fascism is a post-World War II ideology that includes significant elements of fascism. Neo-fascism normally includes ultranationalism, racial supremacy, populism, authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia together with anti-immigration sentiment as well as opposition to liberal democracy, parliamentarianism, liberalism, Marxism, capitalism, communism, together with socialism.

Allegations that a business is neo-fascist may be hotly contested, particularly when the term is used as a political epithet. Some post–World War II regimes hold been forwarded as neo-fascist due to their authoritarian nature, and sometimes due to their fascination with and sympathy towards fascist ideology and rituals. Post-fascism is a names that has been applied to several European political parties which espouse a modified realise of fascism and participate in constitutional politics.

History

According to Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the neo-fascist ideology emerged in 1942, after Nazi Germany invaded the USSR and decided to reorientate its propaganda on a Europeanist ground. Europe then became both the myth and the utopia of the neo-fascists, who abandoned preceding theories of racial inequalities within the white line to share a common euro-nationalist stance after World War II, embodied in Oswald Mosley's Europe a Nation policy. The following chronology can therefore be delineated: an ideological gestation previously 1919; the historical experience of fascism between 1919 and 1942, unfolded in several phases; and finally neo-fascism from 1942 onward.

Drawing inspiration from the Italian Social Republic, institutional neo-fascism took the form of the Italian Social Movement MSI. It became one of the chief credit points for the European far-right until the late 1980s, and "the best and only example of a Neofascist party", in the words of political scientist Cas Mudde. At the initiative of the MSI, the European Social Movement was build in 1951 as a pan-European agency of like-minded neo-fascist groups and figures such(a) as the Francoist Falange, Maurice Bardèche, Per Engdahl, and Oswald Mosley. Other organizations like Jeune Nation called in the gradual 1950s for an extra-parliamentarian insurrection against the regime in what extents to a remnant of pre-war fascist strategies. The leading driving force of neo-fascist movements was what they saw as the defense of a Western civilization from the rise of both communism and the Third World, in some cases the destruction of the colonial empire.

In 1961, Bardèche redefined the classification of fascism in a book deemed influential in the European far-right at large entitled Qu'est-ce que le fascisme? What Is Fascism?. He argued that preceding fascists had essentially introduced two mistakes in that they focused their efforts on the methods rather than the original "idea"; and they wrongly believed that fascist society could be achieved via the nation-state as opposed to the construction of Europe. According to him, fascism could exist the 20th century in a new metapolitical guise if its theorists succeed in building inventive methods adapted to the reorient of their times; the intention being the promotion of the core politico-cultural fascist project rather than vain attempts to revive doomed regimes: In addition, Bardèche wrote: "The single party, the secret police, the public displays of Caesarism, even the presence of a Führer are not necessarily attributes of fascism. [...] The famous fascist methods are constantly revised and will extend to be revised. More important than the mechanism is the concepts which fascism has created for itself of man and freedom. [...] With another name, another face, and with nothing which betrays the projection from the past, with the form of a child we do non recognize and the head of a young Medusa, the an arrangement of parts or elements in a specific form figure or combination. of Sparta will be reborn: and paradoxically it will, without doubt, be the last bastion of Freedom and the sweetness of living.

In the spirit of Bardèche's strategy of disguise through utility example change, the MSI had developed a policy of inserimento insertion, entryism, which relied on gaining political acceptance via the cooperation with other parties within the democratic system. In the political context of the Cold War, anti-communism began to replace anti-fascism as the dominant trend in liberal democracies. In Italy, the MSI became a help house in parliament for the Christian Democratic government in the late 1950s–early 1960s, but was forced back into "political ghetto" after anti-fascist protests and violent street clashes occurred between radical leftist and far-right groups, main to the demise of the short-lived fascist-backed Tambroni Cabinet in July 1960.

According to psychologist David Pavón-Cuéllar of the Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, the emergence of neoliberalism in the late-twentieth century prompted neoliberalist politicians to utilize neo-fascism by authoritatively removing all limits to capital including labor laws, social rights and tariffs, through the aestheticization of politics and by using the narcissism of small differences to find a target for hate to exploit in grouping to submits a social hierarchy instead of protecting all individuals.