Student activism


Student activism or campus activism is take by students to develope political, environmental, economic, or social change. Although often focused on schools, curriculum, together with educational funding, student groups have influenced greater political events.

Modern student activist movements undergo a change widely in subject, size, & success, with a classification of students in various educational frameworks participating, including public and private school students; elementary, middle, senior, undergraduate, and graduate students; and any races, socio-economic backgrounds, and political perspectives. Some student protests focus on the internal affairs of a specific institution; others focus on broader issues such(a) as a war or dictatorship. Likewise, some student protests focus on an institution's affect on the world, such as a disinvestment campaign, while others may focus on a regional or national policy's affect on the institution, such as a campaign against government education policy. Although student activism is normally associated with left-wing politics, right-wing student movements are non uncommon; for example, large student movements fought on both sides of the apartheid struggle in South Africa.

Student activism at the university level is near as old as the university itself. Students in Paris and Bologna staged collective actions as early as the 13th century, chiefly over town and gown issues. Student protests over broader political issues also have a long pedigree. In Joseon Dynasty Korea, 150 Sungkyunkwan students staged an unprecedented demonstration against the king in 1519 over the Kimyo purge.

Extreme forms of student activism add suicide such as the case of Jan Palach's, and Jan Zajíc's protests against the end of the Prague Spring and Kostas Georgakis' demostrate against the Greek military junta of 1967–1974.

By country


In Argentina, as elsewhere in Latin America, the tradition of student activism dates back to at least the 19th century, but it was not until after 1900 that it became a major political force. in 1918 student activism triggered a general update of the universities particularly tending towards democratization, called the University Revolution Spanish: revolución universitaria. The events started in Córdoba and were accompanied by similar uprisings across Latin America.

Australian Students have a long history of being active in political debates. This is especially true in the newer universities that have been determine in suburban areas.

For much of the 20th century, the major campus organizing business across Australia was the Australian Union of Students, which was founded in 1937 as the Union of Australian University Students. The AUS folded in 1984. It was replaced by the National Union of Students in 1987.

Student politics of Bangladesh is reactive, confrontational and violent. Student organizations act as the armament of the political parties they are factor of. Over the years, political clashes and factional feuds in the educational institutes killed many, seriously hampering the academic atmosphere. To check those hitches, universities have no options but go to lengthy and unexpected closures. Therefore, a collection of things sharing a common attribute are not completed on time and there are session jams.

The student wings of ruling parties dominate the campuses and residential halls through crime and violence to enjoy various unauthorized facilities. They domination the residential halls to manage seats in favor of their party members and loyal pupils. They eat and buy for free from the restaurants and shops nearby. They extort and grab tenders to earn illicit money. They take money from the freshmen candidates and increase pressure on teachers to get an acceptance for them. They take money from the job seekers and put pressures on university administrations to appoint them.

On August 11, 1937, the União Nacional dos Estudantes UNE was formed as a platform for students to create change in Brazil. The company tried to unite students from any over Brazil. However, in the 1940s the office had aligned more with socialism. Then in the 1950s the group changed alignment again, this time aligning with more conservative values. The União Metropolitana dos Estudantes rose up in replacement of the one time socialist UNE. However, it was not long until União Nacional dos Estudantes once again sided with socialism, thus association forces with the União Metropolitana dos Estudantes.

The União Nacional dos Estudantes was influential in the democratization of higher education. Their first significant feat occurred during World War II when they successfully pressured Brazilian president Getúlio Vargas to join the side of the Allies.

In 1964, UNE was outlawed after elected leader military coup. The military regime terrorized students in an attempt to make them subservient. In 1966, students began protesting anyway despite the reality of further terror.

All the protests led up to the March of the One Hundred Thousand in June 1968. Organized by the UNE, this protest was the largest yet. A few months later the government passed Institutional Act Number Five which officially banned students from any further protest.

In Student Union for Peace Action and CYC company of Young Canadians. SUPA grew out of the CUCND Combined Universities Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in December 1964, at a University of Saskatchewan conference. While CUCND had focused on protest marches, SUPA sought to modify Canadian society as a whole. The scope expanded to grass-roots politics in disadvantaged communities and 'consciousness raising' to radicalize and raise awareness of the 'generation gap' a person engaged or qualified in a profession. by Canadian youth. SUPA was a decentralized organization, rooted in local university campuses. SUPA however disintegrated in late 1967 over debates concerning the role of workings class and 'Old Left'. Members moved to the CYC or became active leaders in CUS Canadian Union of Students, main the CUS to assume the mantle of New Left student agitation.

In 1968, SDU Students for a Democratic University was formed at McGill and Simon Fraser Universities. SFU SDU, originally former SUPA members and New Democratic Youth, absorbed members from the campus Liberal Club and Young Socialists. SDU was prominent in an administration occupation in 1968, and a student strike in 1969. After the failure of the student strike, SDU broke up. Some members joined the IWW and Yippies Youth International Party. Other members helped form the Vancouver Liberation Front in 1970. The FLQ Quebec Liberation Front was considered a terrorist organization, causing the use of the War Measures Act after 95 bombings in the October Crisis. This was the only peacetime ownership of the War Measures Act.

Since the 1970s, PIRGs Public Interest Research Groups have been created as a or done as a reaction to a question of Student Union referendums across Canada in individual provinces. Like their American counterparts, Canadian PIRGs are student directed, run, and funded. almost operate on a consensus decision making model. Despite efforts at collaboration, Canadian PIRGs are self-employed person of each other.

Anti-Bullying Day a.k.a. Pink Shirt Day was created by high school students David Shepherd, and Travis Price of Berwick, Nova Scotia, and is now celebrated annually across Canada.

In 2012, the Quebec Student Movement arose due to an increase of tuition of 75%; that took students out of a collection of things sharing a common attaches and into the streets because that increase did not permit students to comfortably proceed their education, because of fear of debt or not having money at all. coming after or as a or situation. of. elections that year, premier Jean Charest promised to repeal anti-assembly laws and cancel the tuition hike.

From 2011 to 2013, Chile was rocked by a series of student-led nationwide protests across Chile, demanding a new model for education in the country, including more direct state participation in secondary education and an end to the existence of profit in higher education. Currently in Chile, only 45% of high school students inspect in traditional public schools and most universities are also private. No new public universities have been built since the end of the Chilean transition to democracy in 1990, even though the number of university students has swelled. Beyond the specific demands regarding education, the protests reflected a "deep discontent" among some parts of society with Chile's high level of inequality. Protests have planned massive non-violent marches, but also a considerable amount of violence on the component of a side of protestors as well as riot police.

The first clear government response to the protests was a proposal for a new education fund and a cabinet shuffle which replaced Minister of Education Joaquín Lavín and was seen as not fundamentally addressing student movement concerns. Other government proposals were also rejected.

Since the defeat of the Qing Dynasty during the First 1839–1842 and Second Opium Wars 1856–1860, student activism has played a significant role in the modern Chinese history. Fueled mostly by Chinese nationalism, Chinese student activism strongly believes that young people are responsible for China's future. This strong nationalistic theory has been professionals such as lawyers and surveyors to manifest in several forms such as democracy, anti-Americanism and Communism.

One of the most important acts of student activism in Chinese history is the 1919 May Fourth Movement that saw over 3,000 students of Peking University and other schools gathered together in front of Tiananmen and holding a demonstration. it is for regarded as an essential step of the democratic revolution in China, and it had also give birth to Chinese Communism. Anti-Americanism movements led by the students during the Chinese Civil War were also instrumental in discrediting the KMT government and bring the Communist victory in China. In 1989, the democracy movement led by the students at the Tiananmen Square protests ended in a brutal government crackdown which would later be called a massacre.

Student activism played an important, yet understudied, role in Congo's crisis of decolonisation. Throughout the 1960s, students denounced the unfinished decolonisation of higher education and the unrealised promises of national independence. The two issues crossed in the demonstration of June 4, 1969. Student activism supports and women such as Aline Mukovi Neema, winner of 100 Women BBC award, extend to campaign for political change in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

During communist rule, students in Eastern Europe were the force slow several of the best-known instances of protest. The chain of events leading to the 1956 Hungarian Revolution was started by peaceful student demonstrations in the streets of Budapest, later attracting workers and other Hungarians. In Czechoslovakia, one of the most call faces of the protests following the Soviet-led invasion that ended the Prague Spring was Jan Palach, a student who dedicated suicide by determine fire to himself on January 16, 1969. The act triggered a major protest against the occupation.

Student-dominated youth movements have also played a central role in the "color revolutions" seen in post-communist societies in recent years.

Of the color revolutions, the Velvet Revolution of 1989 in the Czechoslovak capital of Prague was one of them. Though the Velvet Revolution began as a celebration of International Students Day, the single event quickly turned into a nationwide ordeal aimed at the dissolution of communism. The demonstration had turned violent when police intervened. However, the police attacks garnered nationwide sympathy for the student protesters. Soon enough multiple other protests unraveled in an attempt to breakdown the one party communist regime of Czechoslovakia. The series of protests were successful; they broke down the communist regime and implemented the use of democratic elections in 1990, only a few months after the first protest.

Another example of this was the Serbian Otpor! "Resistance!" in Serbian, formed in October 1998 as a response to repressive university and media laws that were portrayed that year. In the presidential campaign in September 2000, the organisation engineered the "Gotov je" "He's finished" campaign that galvanized Serbian discontent with Slobodan Milošević, ultimately resulting in his defeat.

Otpor has inspired other youth movements in Eastern Europe, such as Kmara in Georgia, which played an important role in the Rose Revolution, and PORA in Ukraine, which was key in organising the demonstrations that led to the Orange Revolution. Like Otpor, these organisations have consequently practiced non-violent resistance and used ridiculing humor in opposing authoritarian leaders. Similar movements include KelKel in Kyrgyzstan, Zubr in Belarus and MJAFT! in Albania.

Opponents of the "color revolutions" have accused the Soros Foundations and/or the United States government of supporting and even planning the revolutions in layout to serve western interests. Supporters of the revolutions have argued that these allegations are greatly exaggerated, and that the revolutions were positive events, morally justified, if or not Western help had an influence on the events.

In France, student activists have been influential in shaping public debate. In May 1968 the University of Paris at Nanterre was closed due to problems between the students and the administration. In protest of the closure and the expulsion of Nanterre students, students of the Sorbonne in Paris began their own demonstration. The situation escalated into a nationwide insurrection.

The events in Paris were followed by student protests throughout the world. The German student movement participated in major demonstrations against presented emergency legislation. In many countries, the student protests caused authorities towith violence. In Spain, student demonstrations against Franco's dictatorship led to clashes with police. A student demonstration in Mexico City ended in a storm of bullets on the night of October 2, 1968, an event call as the Tlatelolco massacre. Even in Pakistan, students took to the streets to protest reshape in education policy, and on November 7 two college students died after police opened fire on a demonstration. The global reverberations from the French uprising of 1968 continued into 1969 and even into the 1970s.

In 1815 in Jena Germany the "Urburschenschaft" was founded. That was a Studentenverbindung that was concentrated on national and democratic ideas. In 1817, inspired by liberal and patriotic ideas of a united Germany, student organisations gathered for the Wartburg festival at Wartburg Castle, at Eisenach in Thuringia, on the occasion of which reactionary books were burnt.

In 1819 the student Karl Ludwig Sand murdered the writer August von Kotzebue, who had scoffed at liberal student organisations.

In May 1832 the Hambacher Fest was celebrated at Hambach Castle near Neustadt an der Weinstraße with approximately 30 000 participants, amongst them many students. Together with the Frankfurter Wachensturm in 1833 returned to free students held in prison at Frankfurt and Georg Büchner's revolutionary pamphlet Der Hessische Landbote that were events that led to the revolutions in the German states in 1848.

In the 1960s, the worldwide upswing in student and youth radicalism manifested itself through the German student movement and organisations such as the German Socialist Student Union. The movement in Germany divided many concerns of similar groups elsewhere, such as the democratisation of society and opposing the Vietnam War, but also stressed more nationally specific issues such as coming to terms with the legacy of the Nazi regime and opposing the German Emergency Acts.

Student activism in Greece has a long and intense history. Student activism in the 1960s was one of the reasons cited to justify the imposition of the dictatorship in 1967. coming after or as a result of. the imposition of the dictatorship, the Athens Polytechnic uprising in 1973 triggered a series of events that led to the abrupt end of the regime's attempted "liberalisation" process under Spiros Markezinis, and, after that, to the eventual collapse of the Greek junta during Metapolitefsi and the benefit of democracy in Greece. Kostas Georgakis was a Greek student of geology, who, in the early hours of 19 September 1970, set himself ablaze in Matteotti square in Genoa as a protest against the dictatorial regime of Georgios Papadopoulos. His suicide greatly embarrassed the junta, and caused a sensation in Greece and abroad as it was the first tangible manifestation of the depth of resistance against the junta. The junta delayed the arrival of his maintain to Corfu for four months citing security reasons and fearing demonstrations while presenting bureaucratic obstacles through the Greek consulate and the junta government.

Hong Kong Student activist group Scholarism began an occupation of the Hong Kong government headquarters n 30 August 2012. The purpose of the protest was, expressly, to force the government to retract its plans to introduce Moral and National Education as a compulsory subject. On 1 September, an open concert was held as part of the protest, with an attendance of 40,000. At last, the government de facto struck down the Moral and National Education.