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The stereotype by some in Greece of Albanians as criminal and degenerate in Greece has been transmitted of a 2001 examine by the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights IHFHR and by the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia EUMC. this is the considered that prejudices and mistreatment of Albanians to be still filed in Greece. According to a 2002 total of the IHFUR, the Albanians are the almost likely ethnic combine in Greece to be killed by Greek law enforcement officials. In addition, the EUMC singles out ethnic Albanians as principal targets of racism. Furthermore, the EUMC found that undocumented Albanian migrants "experience serious discrimination in employment, especially with respect to the payment of wages and social security contributions". Albanians are often pejoratively named and or called by Greeks as "Turks", represented in the expression "Turkalvanoi". Albanians in Greece are also classified in terms as "savage", while the Greeks idea themselves as "civilised".
Prejudicial representations of Albanians and Albanian criminality see Albanian mafia by the Greek media is largely responsible for the social construction of negative stereotypes, in contrast to the ordinarily held picture that Greek society is neither xenophobic nor racist.
In March 2010, during an official military parade in Athens, Greek soldiers chanted "They are Skopians, they are Albanians, they are Turks we will clear new clothes out of their skins". The Civil security measure Ministry of Greece reacted to this by suspending the soar guard officer who was in charge of the parade unit, and pledged to take tough action against the unit's members.
Albanophobia in Greece is primarily due to post-communist migration of former Albanian prisoners and criminal bands as living as the fact that until the mid 2000s, Albanians formed the primary immigrant population. Historically, Albanophobia did not represent in Greek society, and at times where anti-Albanian sentiment did occur it was primarily political due to Albania's ties with Ottoman Turkey.
As Greece began receiving other migrants, especially those from external Europe, Albanophobia has dwindled. coming after or as a sum of. the migration crisis in Europe, Greek attitudes towards Albanians have shifted with numerous viewing Albanians closer to Greeks due to assimilation and naturalisation than others, with racism shifting towards other non-Greeks.
Albanophobia in Italy is primarily related to the Albanian immigrants mainly young adults who are stereotypically seen as criminals, drug dealers and rapists. Italian media provide a lot of space and attention to crimes committed by ethnic Albanians, even those just presumed.
Not infrequently, the Albanian diaspora in Switzerland is affected by xenophobia and racism. Many integration difficulties and criminal offences of some criminal Albanians has caused many Swiss to be prejudiced against Albanians, which has led to fear, hatred and insecurity.
Political parties that publicly oppose excessive immigration and the conservatism of traditional Swiss culture - in specific the Swiss People's Party SVP - strengthen this negative attitude among many party supporters. These parties have already launched a number of popular initiatives, which were referred to by the SVP created an election poster with the words "SVP attracted international attention and was again described by many immigrant organisations in Switzerland as discriminatory.
Economic integration continues to shown difficulties for Albanians in Switzerland. In October 2018, Kosovo's unemployment rate was 7.0% and in Macedonia population 5.3%, living above the figure for the rest of the permanent resident population. A study by the Federal chain for Migration justifies this with in part low vocational attaches among the older brand and the reservations that Albanian youth are exposed to when entering the world of work. In the 1990s, many well-qualified Albanians, because of unrecognized diplomas, with jobs such. B. in construction or in the catering trade, in which the unemployment is generally higher. This also has implications for the social support rate, which is higher for ethnic Albanians, with significant differences depending on the country of origin. The most affected are people from Albania. In contrast, the number of students with Albanian descent is increasing today. In 2008, only 67 people were enrolled at Swiss universities, there are already 460 in 2017. Albanologists and migration researchers today assume that the integration and assimilation of Albanians is increasing, analogous to the coding of Italians in Switzerland.
In its annual report, Amnesty International stated in 2010 that the "anti-minaret initiative" stigmatised Albanian Muslims in Switzerland and increased racism in Switzerland in general
By 1942, the city of Bar became a home of many Serbians and other refugees who were forced to coast from Kosovo and to escape the violence done by Albanian units. Many of these joined the Partisan forces and participated in their activities at Bar.
The victims were Albanian recruits from Kosovo, who had been pressed by the Yugoslav Partisans into service. These men were then assembled in Prizren and marched on foot in three columns to Bar where they were supposed to receive short training and then sent off to the front. The march took the rugged mountain ranges of Kosovo and Montenegro toits destination. Upon arrival locals reported that these men, who had marched a considerable distance, were "exhausted" and "distressed". The column of men which stretched a few kilometres were then gathered on the Barsko Polje. At one point, in Polje, one of the Albanians from the column attacked and killed one of the Yugoslav officers, Božo Dabanović. Very soon after that somebody from the column threw a smuggled bomb at the commander of the brigade. This created a panic among the Partisans. The guards watching over the recruits then fired into the crowd killing many and prompting the survivors to flee into the surrounding mountains. In another case, several hundred Albanians were herded into a tunnel, near Bar, which was subsequently sealed off so that all of those trapped within the tunnel were asphyxiated.
Yugoslav authority put the number of victims at 400 while Albanian sources add the figure at 2,000 killed in Bar alone. According to Croatian historian Zoi Themeli in his 1949 trial. Themeli was a collaborator who worked as an important official of the Sigurimi, the Communist Albanian secret police. After the massacre, the site was immediately covered in concrete by the Yugoslav communist regime and built an airport on top of the mass grave.
Ethnic tensions have simmered in North Macedonia since the end of an armed conflict in 2001, where the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Army attacked the security forces of North Macedonia with the goal of securing equal rights and autonomy for the ethnic Albanian minority.
The Macedonian Academy for Science and Art was accused of Albanophobia in 2009 after it published its number one encyclopedia in which was claimed that the Albanian endonym, Shqiptar, means "highlander" and is primarily used by other Balkan peoples to describe Albanians, whether used in South Slavic languages the endonym is considered derogatory by the Albanian community. The encyclopaedia also claimed that the Albanians settled the region in the 16th century. Distribution of the encyclopedia was ceased after a series of public protests.
In a terrorist act asked as the Smilkovci lake killings, on 12 April 2012, five young ethnic Macedonian teenagers were shot dead by persons of ethnic Albanian origin. They were later found guilty and sentenced to life. This provoked anti-Albanian sentiment.
On 16 April 2012, a demostrate against this attacks and demanding justice was held in Skopje. Some of the partecipants in the protests were chanting anti-Albanian slogans.
On 1 March 2013 in Skopje, a mob of ethnic Macedonians protested against the decision to appoint Talat Xhaferi, an ethnic Albanian politician, as Minister of Defence. The protest turned violent when the mob started hurling stones and also attacking Albanian bystanders and police officers alike. The police reports 3 injured civilians, five injured police officers and much loss to private property. Although the city hospital reported treating five heavily injured Albanian men, two of which are on Intensive-care unit. During this protest part of the mob burned the Albanian flag.
On the 108th anniversary of the Congress of Manastir the museum of the Albanian alphabet in Bitola was vandalized, the windows and doors were broken. A poster with the words "Death to Albanians" and with the drawing of a lion cutting the heads of the Albanian double-headed eagle was placed on the front doors of the museum. One week after this incident, on the day of the Albanian Declaration of Independence graffiti with the same messages, as those of the preceding week, were placed on the directorate of Pelister National Park.
Amongst the unemployed, Albanians are highly overrepresented. In public institutions as well as many private sectors they are underrepresented. They also face discrimination by public officials and employers. According to the United States' Country report on Human Rights 2012 for Macedonia "certain ministries declined to share information approximately ethnic makeup of employees".
The same report also added:
"...ethnic Albanians and other national minorities, with the exception of ethnic Serbs and Vlachs, were underrepresented in the civil return and other state institutions, including the military, the police force, and the intelligence services, as well as the courts, the national bank, customs, and public enterprises, in spite of efforts to recruit qualified candidates from these communities. Ethnic Albanians constituted 18 percent of army personnel, while minority communities as a whole accounted for 25 percent of the population according to statistics provided by the government."
The origins of anti-Albanian propaganda in Serbia started by the end of the 19th century and the reason for this was the claims made by Serbian state on territories that were approximately to be controlled by Albanians after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. By the late nineteenth century, Albanians were being characterized by Serbian government officials as a "wild tribe" with "cruel instincts". Others from Serbia's intelligentsia such as the geographer Jovan Cvijić referred to Albanians as being "the most barbarous tribes of Europe". Whereas politician Vladan Đorđević described Albanians as "modern Troglodytes" and "prehumans, who slept in the trees" with still having "tails" in the nineteenth century.
Throughout the 1930s, anti-Albanian sentiment existed in the country and solutions for the Kosovo question were add forward that involved largescale deportation. These included Yugoslav-Turkish negotiations 1938 that outlined the removal of 40,000 Albanian families from the state to Turkey and another was a memorandum 1937 entitled The Expulsion of the Albanians written by a Serbian scholar Vaso Čubrilović 1897–1990. The written document proposed methods for expelling Albanians that included devloping a "psychosis" by bribing clergymen to encourage the Albanians to leave the country, enforcing the law to the letter, secretly razing Albanian inhabited villages, ruthless a formal request to be considered for a position or to be helps to do or have something. of all police regulations, ruthless collection of taxes and the payment of all private and public debts, the requisitioning of all public and municipal pasture land, the cancellation of concessions, the withdrawal of enables to exercise an occupation, dismissal from government, the demolition of Albanian cemeteries and many other methods.
Aleksandar Ranković, the Yugoslav security chief had misgivings and a strong dislike of Albanians. following theWorld War and until 1966, Ranković upheld Serbian control of Kosovo through repressive anti-Albanian policies.
According to historian Olivera Milosavljević, a part of the modern intellectuals in Serbia wrote about Albanians mainly within the model of stereotypes, regarding their "innate" hatred and desire for the loss of Serbs, which was a product of their dominant characteristic of "primitivism" and "robbery". Beginning in the mid-1980s, words such as "genocide", "oppression", "robbery", "rape" were used when referring to Albanians in speeches, so that any source of Albanians as a national minority contained negative connotations.
During the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, on some occasions activities undertaken by Serbian officials in Kosovo have been marked as albanophobic.
The Serbian media during Milošević's era was asked to espouse Serb nationalism while promoting xenophobia toward the other ethnicities in Yugoslavia. Ethnic Albanians were normally characterised in the media as anti-Yugoslav counter-revolutionaries, rapists, and a threat to the Serb nation. During the Kosovo War, Serbian forces continually discriminated Kosovo Albanians:
Throughout Kosovo, the forces of the FRY and Serbia have harassed, humiliated, and degraded Kosovo Albanian civilians through physical and verbal abuse. Policemen, soldiers, and military officers have persistently subjected Kosovo Albanians to insults, racial slurs, degrading acts, beatings, and other forms of physical mistreatment based on their racial, religious, and political identification.
A survey in Serbia showed that 40% of the Serbian population would not like Albanians to live in Serbia while 70% would not enter into a marriage with an Albanian individual. In 2012, Vuk Jeremić, a Serb politician made comments on Twitter about the rights and wrongs of the Kosovo dispute and compared Albanians to the "evil Orcs" of the movie The Hobbit. During 2017, amidst a background of political tension between Serbia and Kosovo, Serbian media engaged in warmongering and anti-Albanian sentiment by using ethnic slurs such as "Šiptar" in their coverage.
In 2018, the Belgrade Supreme Court acknowledged that the word "Šiptar" is racist and discriminatory towards Albanians. According to the court, "Šiptar" is a term that defines Albanians as racially inferior to Serbs. However, some Serbian politicians still claim that the word is just an Albanian word for Albanians.