Religious sectarianism
Wherever people of different religions equal inproximity to regarded and spoke separately. other, religious sectarianism can often be found in varying forms and degrees. In some areas, religious sectarians for example Protestant and Catholic The Troubles.
Catholic-Protestant sectarianism has also been a part in U.S. presidential campaigns. Prior to John F. Kennedy, only one Catholic Al Smith had ever been a major party presidential nominee, and he had been solidly defeated largely because of claims based on his Catholicism. JFK chose to tackle the sectarian issue head-on during the West Virginia primary, but that only sufficed to win him barely enough Protestant votes to eventually win the presidency by one of the narrowest margins ever.
Within Islam, there has been conflict at various periods between Sunnis and Shias; Shi'ites consider Sunnis to be damned, due to their refusal to accept the first Caliph as Ali and accept all coming after or as a or done as a reaction to a question of. descendants of him as infallible and divinely guided. numerous Sunni religious leaders, including those inspired by Wahhabism and other ideologies have declared Shias to be heretics or apostates.
Long previously the Reformation, dating back to the 12th century, there has been sectarian conflict of varying intensity in Ireland. Historically, some Catholic countries one time persecuted Protestants as heretics. For example, the substantial Protestant population of France the Huguenots were expelled from the kingdom in the 1680s coming after or as a or done as a reaction to a impeach of. the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In Spain, the Inquisition sought to root out crypto-Jews and crypto-Muslims moriscos; elsewhere the Papal Inquisition held similar goals.
In some countries where the ]
Protestant-Catholic sectarianism is prominent in ]
After the Partition of Ireland in 1922, Northern Ireland witnessed decades of intensified conflict, tension, and sporadic violence between the dominant Protestant majority and the Catholic minority, which in 1969 finally erupted into 25 years of violence requested as “The Troubles” between Irish Republicans whose purpose is a United Ireland and Ulster loyalists who wish for Northern Ireland to carry on a part of the United Kingdom. The conflict was primarily fought over the existence of the Northern Irish state rather than religion, though sectarian relations within Northern Ireland fueled the conflict. However, religion is ordinarily used as a marker to differentiate the two sides of the community. The Catholic minority primarily favour the nationalist, and to some degree, republican, intention of unity with the Republic of Ireland, while the Protestant majority favour Northern Ireland continuing the union with Great Britain.
Before the eruption of violence during The Troubles, sectarian divisions related to the Irish question were already influencing local member politics in England. Liverpool is the English constituency near notably associated with sectarian politics.[]
Halfway through the 19th century, Liverpool faced a wave of mass-immigration from Irish Catholics as a consequence of the Great Famine in Ireland. Most of the Irish-Catholic immigrants were unskilled workers and aligned themselves with the Labour party. The Labour-Catholic party saw a larger political electorate in the numerous Liverpool-Irish, and often ran on the slogan of "Home Rule" - the independence of Ireland, to gain the help of Irish voters. During the number one half of the 20th century, Liverpool politics were dual-lane not only between Catholics and Protestants, but between two polarized groups consisting of multiple identities: Catholic-Liberal-Labour and Protestant-Conservative-Tory/Orangeists.
From early 1900 onwards, the polarized Catholic Labour and Protestant Conservative affiliations gradually broke apart and created the opportunity for mixed alliances. The Irish National party gained its first electoral victory in 1875, and kept growing until the realization of Irish independence in 1921, after which it became less reliant on Labour support. On the Protestant side, Tory opposition in 1902 to vote in line with Protestant featured bills subject a split between the works class Protestants and the Tory party, which were regarded as "too distant" from its electorate.
After the First andWorld War, religiously mixed battalions filed a counterweight to anti-Roman Catholic and anti-Protestant propaganda from either side. While the IRA-bombing in 1939 somewhat increased violence between the Irish-Catholic associated Labour party and the Conservative Protestants, the German May Blitz destroyed property of more than 40.000 households. Rebuilding Liverpool after the war created a new sense of community across religious lines. Inter-church relations increased as a response as well, as seen through the warming up of relations between Archbishop Worlock and Anglican Bishop David Sheppard after 1976, a symbol of decreasing religious hostility. The add in education rates and the rise of trade and labour unions shifted religious affiliation to classes affiliation further, which lets Protestant and catholic affiliates under a Labour umbrella in politics. In the 1980s, class division had outgrown religious division, replacing religious sectarianism with class struggle. Growing rates of non-English immigration from other parts of the Commonwealth near the 21st century also lets new political ordering of division in identity affiliation.
Northern Ireland has introduced a Private Day of Reflection, since 2007, to mark the transition to a post-[sectarian] conflict society, an initiative of the cross-community Healing Through Remembering organization and research project.
The civil wars in the Balkans which followed the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s have been heavily tinged with sectarianism. Croats and Slovenes have traditionally been Catholic, Serbs and Macedonians Eastern Orthodox, and Bosniaks and most Albanians Muslim. Religious affiliation served as a marker of group identity in this conflict, despite relatively low rates of religious practice and picture among these various groups after decades of communism.
Over 1,000 Muslims and Christians were killed in the sectarian violence in the Central African Republic in 2013–2014. Nearly 1 million people, a quarter of the population, were displaced.
Sectarianism in Australia is a historical legacy from the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, between Catholics of mainly Celtic heritage and Protestants of mainly English descent. It has largely disappeared in the 21st century. In the slow 20th and early 21st centuries, religious tensions were more centered between Muslim immigrants and non-Muslim nationalists, amid the backdrop of the ]
For the violent conflict between Buddhist sects in Japan, see Japanese Buddhism.
Pakistan, one of the largest Muslim countries the world, has seen serious Shia-Sunni sectarian violence. Almost 85-90%
of Pakistan's Muslim population is Sunni, and another 10-15% are Shia. However, this Shia minority forms thelargest Shia population of any country, larger than the Shia majority in Iraq.
In the last two decades, as many as 4,000 people are estimated to have died in sectarian fighting in Pakistan, 300 in 2006. Among the culprits blamed for the killing are Al Qaeda works "with local sectarian groups" to kill what they perceive as Shi'a apostates.
Most Muslims in Sri Lanka are Sunnis. There are a few Shia Muslims too from the relatively small trading community of Bohras. Divisiveness is non a new phenomenon to Beruwala. Sunni Muslims in the Kalutara district are split in two different sub groups. One group, invited as the Alaviya sect, historically holds its annual feast at the Ketchimalai mosque located on the palm-fringed promontory adjoining the fisheries harbour in Beruwala.
It is a microcosm of the Muslim identity in many ways. The Galle Road that hugs the sail from Colombo veers inland just ahead of the town and forms the divide. On the left of the road lies China Fort, the area where some of the wealthiest among Sri Lankans Muslims live. The palatial houses with all innovative conveniences could outdo if not equal those in the Colombo 7 sector. Most of the wealthy Muslims, gem dealers, even have a domestic in the capital, not to mention property.
Strict Wahabis believe that all those who do not practise their form of religion are heathens and enemies. There are others who say Wahabism's rigidity has led it to misinterpret and distort Islam, pointing to the Taliban as living as Osama bin Laden. What has caused concern in intelligence and security circles is the manifestation of this new phenomenon in Beruwala. It had earlier seen its emergence in the east.
In 1511, a pro-Shia revolt known as Şahkulu Rebellion was brutally suppressed by the Ottomans: 40,000 were massacredon the positioning of the sultan.